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• AKD delivers final speech for 2025 Budget; JVP/NPP maiden budget passed with unprecedented majority
• AKD vows to cancel MPs’ pensions and amend President’s entitlements; changes to MPs’ food pattern
• Govt. gears for Modi’s visit, AKD says Sampur plant launch on 5 April; no official statement from India
• Ghosts of Batalanda return to haunt RW and JVP; questions for JVP on failure to act on report earlier
• JVP kept silent on justice for comrades in 2004 UPFA Govt., 2005 MOU with MR, 2015 with MS-RW Govt.
• Nandana says JVP decided not to act on Batalanda report, other alleged atrocities against JVP comrades
• JVP splinter group FSP leads call for JVP leaders to act; says RW’s name in 158 places in Batalanda report
• Opposition unites against JVP killings during insurgency; Rohini lists out 1,300 UNPers who were killed
• RW rejects Batalanda report; Udaya says report presented to Parliament on 29 March 2001, in Hansard
• Thalatha wants Lalkantha questioned first in fresh Batalanda probe; SJB calls for commission for probe
• JVP faces challenges in action, some NPPers implicated; FSP targets to split hardcore cadres from JVP
• Cardinal puts AKD, Govt. on notice; wants action on probe before 21 April, warns of resuming action
• After evading arrest and several Police teams, Deshabandu appears from Matara; court rejects bail
• First in ‘Y’ ward in Angunakolapelessa, now in ‘K’ ward in Dumbara Prison; strict security measures
• Deshabandu appears after authorities decide to confiscate assets; excise probe on 1,009 liquor bottles
• ASG Dileepa likens Deshabandu to a dangerous organised criminal, says he is a ‘ghost’ without a vote
• LG Polls set for 6 May; over 400 nomination lists, including JVP/NPP, SJB, UNP, SLPP, PA lists, rejected
• Rejection of lists mostly due to ages of youth candidates and lack of stipulated female representation
• Parties with rejected nomination lists vow legal action in the event of failure to resolve issues with EC
• Imthiaz’s resignation causes a stir in SJB, more disgruntled senior SJBers to act; Sajith refuses to accept letter
• Eran’s mayoral candidacy for CMC under SJB-UNP common symbol alliance blocked by some SJBers
• Rosy decides not to contest under UNP for CMC; COPE focuses on past issues, financial losses at CMC
• UNP decides to contest LG bodies under ‘elephant’ symbol; campaign to look at other side of Batalanda
• SLPP to focus on developing youth leadership in the Northern and Eastern Provinces; Namal takes the lead 

President Anura Kumara Dissanayake (AKD) today (23) completes his first six months in office and the past months have undoubtedly been a whirlwind with many tests being thrown at him – some anticipated and some not. 

While facing the real challenges of holding office, AKD is now facing the challenge of holding his party together given the increasing pressure brought on his Government by the return of the controversial Batalanda Commission report to the limelight. It now seems that the ghosts of Batalanda are not only haunting former President Ranil Wickremesinghe, but also the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP).

Nevertheless, the maiden budget of the JVP-led National People’s Power (NPP) Government presented by AKD last month is now done and dusted with the third reading of the 2025 Budget passed in Parliament by an unprecedented majority of 114 votes with 159 voting in favour and 45 voting against it.

The JVP/NPP’s resounding victory with the 2025 Budget in the House now faces the most difficult task of being followed through with action. Leader of the House, Minister Bimal Rathnayake has said the Government will now work on its own programme following the conclusion of the 2025 Budget. 

It is no secret that ‘the proof of the pudding is in the eating’ rather than in preparation. This is the reality that now falls before AKD and the JVP/NPP Government, and steering through this challenge will determine whether International Monetary Fund (IMF) Managing Director Kristalina Georgieva will yet again address President AKD saying “bravo!”. 

“So, my very first message to you, Mr. President, is bravo! Congratulations for what you have achieved,” Georgieva had told AKD on 7 March during a Zoom meeting. Rathnayake stated in Parliament that the Opposition, especially the main Opposition Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB), was unhappy since it believed that it was the ‘true love of the IMF’ and that the fund had now dumped them and accepted President AKD.

Meanwhile, delivering the final speech at the end of the 2025 Budget debate on Friday (21), President AKD yet again used his oratory skills to deliver a winning speech, indicating once again that it is brand ‘AKD’ that continues to carry the Government. He told Parliament that Sri Lanka was no longer a bankrupt country as of 21 December 2024.

AKD’s revelation

Meanwhile, in his speech in Parliament on Friday, President AKD made an interesting revelation – some former presidents had received the president’s salary while also retaining the pension given to Members of Parliament (MPs). AKD told Parliament that he had already given in writing that he would not be taking the pension of the president.

“We have come to know of some things only now. When I become president, I will receive a pension provided to an MP. That means, in addition to the presidential salary, I will also receive the MP’s pension. I gave a letter today saying that I do not want the MP’s pension. We have to start fixing this country,” the President said, adding that some past presidents had actually drawn both payments.

“Also, when an MP becomes a minister, he receives the MP’s salary and the ministerial salary. We have decided that ministers and deputy ministers will only receive the MP’s salary. However, ministers will receive a fuel allowance in addition to the MP’s salary. We will remove the fuel allowance from the MP’s salary. We will also remove the MP’s pension. The Presidents Entitlements Act will also be amended,” AKD added.

Meanwhile, an interesting bit of news about the meals consumed by MPs has come to light with the witnessing of a decline in food consumption in the House since the price of daily meals was increased to Rs. 2,000.

While some MPs have stated that they have reduced the number of meals consumed in the House, some others have said that they have reduced their meals after the price increase. Many legislators are now reportedly consuming only tea and porridge from the Parliament restaurant.

It is learnt that many MPs from the Colombo District arrive in the House for sessions after having consumed their breakfast at home and return home for lunch.

Daily meals for MPs previously cost Rs. 450 per day (Rs. 100 for breakfast, Rs. 300 for lunch, and Rs. 50 for tea with short eats). However, the daily meal prices were increased to Rs. 2,000 per day (Rs. 600 for breakfast, Rs. 1,200 for lunch, and Rs. 200 for tea with short eats) by the incumbent Government.

However, even with the increased meal prices, the cost still covers only the expenditure on ingredients for the meals, according to the House kitchen.

Meanwhile, Speaker Jagath Wickramaratne has directed the Parliament kitchen staff to ensure that wastage is minimised since there had been reports earlier about high wastage of food items in the past.

Preparing for Modi

Following the conclusion of the 2025 Budget, the Government is now gearing up for the impending visit of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi to Sri Lanka early next month.

Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath announced in Parliament during the debate on the Foreign Ministry budget head for 2025 that Indian Prime Minister Modi would arrive in Sri Lanka early next month to finalise agreements reached during President AKD’s visit to New Delhi last year.

It is learnt that Modi’s visit to Sri Lanka has been tentatively planned from 4-6 April.

Herath also noted that Modi would participate in the launch of the proposed 120 MW solar power plant in Sampur. The irony is that it was the JVP that vehemently opposed the Indian-funded plant in Sampur, which was initially supposed to be a coal power plant and was later changed into a solar power plant.

President AKD meanwhile took a step further than Herath and told Parliament last week that Modi would be in Sri Lanka on 5 April and that he would launch the proposed Sampur power plant that day.

However, the Indian side is yet to make the traditional formal announcement of Modi’s visit to Sri Lanka while the Sri Lankan President and Foreign Minister have already announced the Indian Premier’s visit.

Questions for JVP

Meanwhile, the JVP is also facing criticism over its latest move to act on the controversial Batalanda Commission report after it resurfaced during an interview former President Wickremesinghe had with Al Jazeera.

There are multiple questions now being thrown at the JVP that focus on why the party had not taken any initiative to demand action on the Batalanda report during several occasions when the JVP had played key roles in the then governments.

The first time the JVP was officially on the ruling side was after the party formed the then Government under President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga (CBK) in 2004 after forming an alliance with the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) under the United People’s Freedom Alliance (UPFA) banner. The JVP held four Cabinet and four deputy ministerial portfolios in the UPFA Government till 2005.

The next was when the JVP entered into an agreement with former President Mahinda Rajapaksa (MR) in 2025 to support his presidential candidacy that year. Despite signing a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) with MR at the time, the JVP had not called for justice for the fallen in the party’s insurrections, nor had it been included in the MOU. 

It is interesting that neither the JVP nor MR – who during the 1988-’89 period played the role of a human rights defender, taking the alleged atrocities of the United National Party (UNP) Government during the said period to the UN Human Rights Commission (UNHRC) in Geneva at the time – took this matter up.

Another opportunity at which the JVP had avoided discussing the alleged atrocities faced by JVPers during the party’s second insurrection was in 2015, when the party played an active role (although not officially joining the Government) in initiating action against corruption, fraud, and crime during the then ‘Yahapalana’ Government.

Meanwhile, former MP Udaya Gammanpila claimed that the JVP/NPP Government, by accepting the Batalanda report, had accepted allegations levelled against the JVP as well.

“The JVP launched a fearful insurrection against the Government from 1987 to 1990. This insurrection made all essential services come to a standstill. People have been immensely affected by these acts. The JVP killed politicians, political activists, and civilians. These acts committed by the Deshapremi Janatha Vyaparaya (DJV) (led by the JVP after the party was banned) cannot be forgotten and forgiven,” the commission report tabled in Parliament has stated.

“JVP terrorism has been dealt with by State terrorism,” the report has also noted.

Gammanpila also noted that the Batalanda report had been tabled in Parliament on 29 March 2001 by former Minister Wijayapala Mendis and that page 1,581 of the Hansard of 29 March 2001 clearly stated that the report was tabled in Parliament. “Yet, the JVP did not act on it,” he added.

JVP’s dilemma

Be that as it may, the resurfacing of the Batalanda Commission report has resulted in the JVP facing a dilemma. It could be said that the report has boomeranged on the JVP/NPP Government, with Opposition parties uniting in attacking the JVP on its role in the 1987-’89 insurgency.

The JVP therefore, while initiating action on the report, is no doubt aware that the report is a double-edged sword that could either make or break the party and its NPP alliance.

While there is once again talk of the alleged crimes committed by the JVP under the DJV, Opposition parties have started to call for justice for individuals, including prominent personalities like Ven. Kotikawatte Saddhatissa Thera, Prof. Stanley Wijesundera, and Vijaya Kumaranatunga, who were believed to have been killed by the JVP during the period of the insurrection.

On the other hand, the JVP will also face a dilemma if and when the Government has to act against individuals who were responsible for alleged atrocities committed against JVPers during the 1987-’89 period, since a considerable number of the individuals responsible for such actions are now either members or supporters of the NPP.

FSP challenge

However, the greatest dilemma faced by the JVP is ensuring that it holds on to its cadres following the Batalanda saga. It is evident that the JVP is facing a challenge given that the Frontline Socialist Party (FSP), a splinter group of the JVP, is likely to break the party (JVP) if it fails to act on the Batalanda report and the killing of JVPers during the 1987-’89 insurgency, including the party’s Founder Rohana Wijeweera.

With the FSP hounding the JVP/NPP Government for justice for their fallen comrades, the FSP is also reaching out to JVP cadres to work on their emotions by pointing to the delays in the JVP leadership’s action on the Batalanda report as a sign of disinterest in ensuring justice for fallen comrades as well as what is being portrayed as a dislike of the JVP to act against certain elitist politicians, including Wickremesinghe.

The FSP meanwhile has claimed that Wickremesinghe’s name has been stated in 158 places in the first part of the Batalanda report. The FSP’s Duminda Nagamuwa last week claimed that the JVP/NPP Government had only to act on the said report.

Nandana explains

Meanwhile, former General Secretary of the JVP Nandana Gunathilake, who is ironically a member of the UNP at present, explained why the JVP had not pushed for a probe on the Batalanda report and other alleged atrocities that had taken place during the JVP’s second insurrection.

He noted that once the JVP had decided to enter mainstream politics after the ban on the party was lifted, it was decided to put the past aside and move forward as a mainstream political party. Gunathilake had been the General Secretary of the party when this decision had been made.

He further noted that the JVP had details of Batalanda and other similar places and atrocities committed against JVPers during the 1987-’89 period, but had decided not to pursue them.

It seems like Gunathilake has spoken of the bitter truth that the JVP, in its pursuit for mainstream political status, had put the two insurrections steered by the party on the political backburner.

RW’s response

Wickremesinghe meanwhile rejected the findings of the Batalanda Commission report, claiming it was politically motivated.

The former President, making a special statement last week, said that the commission had been established with the sole purpose of discrediting him but had failed to achieve its objective.

“I was only summoned as a witness. According to the commission’s findings, I was implicated only in the matter of providing housing for Police officers, which, as per regulations, should have been done through the Inspector General of Police. The report indicates that both Nalin Delgoda and I were indirectly responsible for this process. Apart from this, I was not implicated in any other allegations in the commission’s report,” Wickremesinghe observed.

Contradicting comment

However, Wickremesinghe in his special statement also made a contradictory comment with regard to the tabling of the Batalanda report in Parliament.

He noted that the report had been made available to Parliament in 2000, but no party, including the JVP, had requested a debate on it. 

“No one can claim that the Batalanda Commission report was hidden. It was made available as a parliamentary session record in 2000, yet no one, including the JVP, requested a debate on it. Many did not accept the report, which may explain why no steps were taken to debate it in Parliament,” he said.

Nevertheless, Wickremesinghe stated during the controversial Al Jazeera interview that the Batalanda report did not have any official recognition since it had not been presented to Parliament.

Pledging action

However, the Government continues to pledge action based on the Batalanda Commission report with Cabinet Spokesperson, Minister Nalinda Jayatissa saying that it is too late for Wickremesinghe to now speak about the report since the Government will be taking necessary legal action based on it.

“The Government has decided to appoint a committee regarding the matter. We will refer the report to the Attorney General’s Department as well,” he said.

Jayatissa also said that a two-day debate on the report had been scheduled for 10 April and in May.

It was also interesting to note Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) MP Namal Rajapaksa speaking for the first time in support of Wickremesinghe in relation to the ongoing controversy surrounding the Batalanda Commission report. 

Thalatha speaks

Meanwhile, UNP General Secretary Thalatha Atukorale notes that any inquiry into the Batalanda report should start by recording a statement from Minister K.D. Lalkantha, since he had on an earlier occasion admitted to the atrocities conducted by the JVP during the 1987-’89 period. 

She noted that there were recordings of Lalkantha admitting to killings, including those of Buddhist monks and grama niladharis who had held views opposing the JVP during the 1987-’89 period, and that many had seen these recordings on social media. “I also have this recording,” she added.

Atukorale claimed that it was the JVP that had started the killings during the insurrection and that many UNPers including youths and party seniors had been killed. She added that Wickremesinghe and the UNP were prepared to face any investigation.

SJB seeks a commission

Meanwhile, the main Opposition SJB has urged the Government to appoint either a Presidential Commission of Inquiry or a parliamentary commission to look into the destruction caused during the insurgencies that took place in the 1987-’89 era.

SJB MP Harshana Rajakaruna stated that based on the findings of such a commission, the public would be able to determine whether it was the JVP or another group that had actually caused destruction in the country at that time.

“At the same time, without politicising the Batalanda Commission report, the deeds of the JVP at that time should also be documented. Even the current leaders of the JVP were involved in the ’87-’89 insurgencies,” he added.

Rohini’s killed list

SJB MP Rohini Wijeratne Kavirathna meanwhile on Friday tabled in Parliament a list of names of individuals of the UNP, including party seniors, trade unionists, and supporters, who had allegedly been killed by the JVP during the 1987-’89 insurrection. 

The list containing 1,300 names of individuals killed during the insurrection was presented to the House as the Government has expressed the need to document victims of political violence. Furthermore, the names of over 900 family members of these victims were also presented in Parliament by MP Kavirathna.

She alleged in the House: “Child soldiers were created by the JVP even before the LTTE. The best example for this is ‘Kantale Bonikki,’ a 13-year-old child who was used to murder a 70-year-old UNP woman.” 

The Opposition MP further noted that names that were not included in the current list would be submitted during the scheduled ‘Batalanda debate’ next month and she had posted on her social media a request to the public to provide any additional information about killings during the 1987-’89 period while also posting the list of names she had tabled in Parliament.

Cardinal’s ultimatum

Amidst the Batalanda saga, the JVP/NPP Government has now been put on notice by none other than one of its key supporters during last year’s elections, Colombo Archbishop Malcolm Cardinal Ranjith.

The Cardinal, who has remained silent for a few months, has once again returned to the limelight demanding justice for the 2019 Easter Sunday attacks, warning the Government that the Catholic community will have no option but to take to the streets if the JVP/NPP Government fails to show any positive signs on the attacks probe soon.

Speaking during an event in Colombo, the Cardinal has expressed hope that justice will be served for the Easter Sunday attacks before the sixth anniversary that falls on 21 April.

“The leaders who governed this country promised justice for the Easter Sunday attacks. However, none of those promises have been fulfilled. We supported this Government to assume power to change that system, but if the system remains unchanged, we will have to reconsider our stance. 

“We are still urging the Government to fulfil the promise made by the President at the Katuwapitiya Church. If we receive a fair and just response from the Government before the sixth anniversary, we will appreciate it. Otherwise, we will have no choice but to take to the streets again,” the Cardinal has warned.

Deshabandu drama

Meanwhile, suspended Inspector General of Police (IGP) Deshabandu Tennakoon, who posed quite a challenge to the Government by evading the Police for weeks despite searches conducted in many houses, buildings, and places of religious worship by several investigating teams, emerged from Matara last Wednesday (19). Clad in a full suit, Tennakoon had arrived in a Benz car to the Matara Magistrate’s Court with a team of around 20 lawyers to represent him.

Investigators meanwhile conducted a search on a house in Hokandara believed to be Tennakoon’s on Tuesday (18) night and managed to take into custody 1,009 bottles of foreign liquor and wine. However, Tennakoon’s wife on Wednesday had lodged a complaint with the Athurugiriya Police, claiming that officers of the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) had forcibly searched the residence in Hokandara without presenting a search warrant.

An arrest warrant on Tennakoon was issued on 27 February with an open warrant being issued on 11 March and, until he appeared in court last Wednesday, the Police teams deployed to arrest him failed to locate him. 

This became an embarrassing point for the JVP/NPP Government, with many posts on social media questioning the capability of the authorities to ensure justice when they were unable to locate the suspended IGP. 

Some posts on social media showed images of Tennakoon, Ishara Sewwandi (a suspect in the killing of organised crime gang leader Ganemulla Sanjeewa), and former Deputy Minister Prasanna Ranaweera (facing allegations of an illegal land transaction) along with the number of days they have been evading arrest.

However, the Matara Magistrate’s Court on Thursday refused to grant bail to Tennakoon and remanded him for two weeks until 3 April.

The prison experience

There has however been much attention on Tennakoon’s prison experience. 

When the Matara Magistrate ordered on Wednesday (19) for Tennakoon to be remanded till Thursday (20), he was not taken to the Matara Prison as expected. He was taken instead to the Angunakolapelessa Prison. This was done after taking into consideration the security threat to Tennakoon.

It is learnt that Tennakoon had been taken to the ‘Y’ ward at the Angunakolapelessa Prison. There had been eight inmates including several inmates on death row and serving life imprisonment in the ward. Tennakoon was held alone in a separate cell in the ward.

It is also learnt that Tennakoon on Wednesday evening had been withdrawn and had not spoken with anyone, showing signs of anxiety. He had not had the dinner that was provided by the prison and had been in a pensive mood.

On Thursday morning, Tennakoon had been prepared to be taken to the Matara Court at 8 a.m., but he was not brought to court until 2 p.m. Prison officials had taken every measure to ensure Tennakoon’s safety, with security being provided by 10 prison officers and six Police personnel.

Following the court directive to remand Tennakoon until 3 April, he had been taken to the Dumbara Prison, taking into consideration security concerns.

In the Dumbara Prison in Kandy, Tennakoon had been placed in the ‘K’ ward, where old inmates as well as public sector employees arrested for alleged misdoings are held. This ward is reportedly near the industrial workshop at the prison.

‘Ghost’ life

Public Security Minister Ananda Wijepala meanwhile told Parliament last Wednesday that Tennakoon had appeared before court when a group of CID officials were on their way to the Matara Magistrate’s Court to suspend his (Tennakoon’s) assets and confiscate them.

He further said that a pistol, believed to belong to Tennakoon, and two brand-new iPhones had also been found at the residence. Wijepala said that it was expected that essential information would be uncovered through investigating the two mobile phones. 

Meanwhile, the Attorney General’s Department opposed granting bail to Tennakoon, arguing that he had evaded law enforcement despite an open warrant for his arrest.

Additional Solicitor General Dileepa Peiris, representing the Attorney General’s Department, had told the court: “Your Honour, this morning I received information that the suspect, against whom an open warrant has been issued for his arrest, arrived at the Matara Court in a luxury Benz car, dressed in a suit, and was seated inside the court premises. It was after receiving this information that I decided to appear before this court. 

“This suspect seems to believe he can enter court like a sneaky cat, break through empty cell blocks, and secure bail without notifying us. Even when I arrived at court, he was seated on a bench, dressed formally. Your Honour, I would like to ask, how is he sitting on a bench? He should be inside a cell. He is a criminal. A criminal should not walk into court with an air of arrogance. He should be crawling on the ground.”

Peiris had further stated: “Your Honour, after the arrest warrant was issued, a massive Police operation was launched to find him – just as if we were searching for Prabhakaran. He has used his social and religious influence to evade arrest until yesterday. The address listed as his residence is actually occupied by a Buddhist monk. 

“Over the past few days, the Police has questioned officials, politicians, and others regarding his whereabouts. He has made deals with influential people. When Police searched his house, they found 795 bottles of liquor worth over Rs. 100 million. There were also over 100 hampers. Government employees cannot even get simple gift packs, so how did he obtain these? 

“His house is not just a home; it is a distillery. No property is registered in his name, yet he owns around eight houses. That is why I say he is even more dangerous than organised criminals. He is a ghost.”

Peiris’ submission to court has received much praise, with quotes of his statement also being widely shared on social media. It has also given way for speculation on whether Peiris could be the next Attorney General, with similar posts also being shared on social media.

Assessing value

The Excise Department meanwhile has stated that it will act on a court directive since the confiscated liquor bottles are now court productions.

However, the Excise Department, it is learnt, is to assess the value of the bottles of liquor found at a house in Hokandara given excise laws that permit a maximum amount of liquor that can be in the possession of a civilian without a liquor licence. Initiating legal action on the possession of a large amount of liquor is yet to be decided.

Maintaining status quo

Meanwhile, the Court of Appeal has extended the previous order to maintain the status quo for former Director of the Colombo Crimes Division (CCD) Neville de Silva in connection with the W15 Weligama hotel shooting incident. The extension however is only in relation to de Silva and does not apply to other petitioners in the case.

The writ application was filed to prevent de Silva’s arrest, and after hearing submissions from President’s Counsel Eraj de Silva, who appeared on de Silva’s behalf, the Court of Appeal had issued an order to maintain the status quo. 

While Deputy Solicitor General Maheshika Silva who had appeared for the Attorney General had objected to any extension of the undertaking, after considering the submissions made by the parties, Court of Appeal Justice Gihan Kulatunga had extended the order to maintain the status quo for de Silva. The case has been fixed for support on Wednesday (26).

Meanwhile, the six Police officers from the CCD who had surrendered to the Matara Magistrate’s Court in connection with the shooting incident in front of W15 hotel in Weligama were granted bail last Friday.

Gearing for LG Polls

Be that as it may, the country’s political stage is yet again set for another election – the Local Government (LG) Polls. Scheduled for 6 May, the polls have already created quite a stir with the rejection of a large number of nomination lists presented by many political parties, including the ruling JVP/NPP, main Opposition SJB, UNP, SLPP, SLFP-led People’s Alliance (PA), and many others, as well as independent groups.

Nearly 425 nomination papers have been rejected in the Local Government Elections nominations, mostly due to issues with birth dates where youth representation is concerned and the lack of the stipulated female representation in the lists.

The main political parties claim that they will discuss with the Election Commission (EC) about the rejected nomination lists and even resort to legal action over the rejection of some lists if there is no positive response from the commission. However, in the event of legal action and an interim order by court, there could be a delay in holding elections to some LG bodies.

Meanwhile, as soon as nominations closed last Thursday (20), a group of SJB members were apprehended by the Police in Kandy while they were planning a vehicle parade. The Police had reportedly arrested 33 individuals along with their vehicles for trying to flout election laws and engage in a vehicle parade after nominations. 

SJB crisis explodes

Meanwhile, the internal crisis within the SJB exploded last week with Party Chairman Imthiaz Bakeer Markar resigning from all posts held by him in the party. 

Bakeer Markar, who had written four-page letters to the party leadership and seniors proposing ways to resolve the party’s internal crisis, had resigned after submitting a four-line letter to Opposition and SJB Leader Sajith Premadasa’s Secretary, Suranga Ranasinghe. The letter was also copied to the party’s General Secretary, National Organiser, and Treasurer. 

However, Bakeer Markar has maintained that he will remain in the SJB despite resigning from the post of Party Chairman.

A senior politician who began his political career in the UNP who joined Premadasa to form the SJB after many attempts to resolve the UNP’s internal crisis at the time, Bakeer Markar had attempted to build internal party democracy in the SJB as well, especially after the party’s electoral defeats last year and calls by some SJBers for the party leadership to resign and make way for a younger individual to take charge of the party.

Avoiding calls

However, soon after receiving the resignation letter, Premadasa had asked several of his loyalists to speak to Bakeer Markar and get him to withdraw the letter. It seemed like Premadasa had realised the severity of the growing dissension within the SJB with Bakeer Markar’s resignation letter.

It is this reason that had resulted in SJB General Secretary Ranjith Madduma Bandara stating that the party leadership had not accepted the resignation letter.

Several disgruntled senior SJBers have said that not accepting the resignation was not the solution to the issue, but to have taken measures to ensure that the likes of Bakeer Markar would not have had reasons to give such a resignation letter in the first place.

Meanwhile, Madduma Bandara had made many telephone calls to Bakeer Markar to speak to him, but the latter had avoided the calls. In fact, Bakeer Markar had not answered any telephone calls for several days when many Opposition politicians, including Dullas Alahapperuma, G.L. Peiris, and Champika Ranawaka as well as several JVP MPs had telephoned him following his resignation from all posts held by him in the SJB.

Displeasure increases

However, the growing displeasure among senior SJBers over the path being taken by the SJB and its leadership, it is learnt, has increased following Bakeer Markar’s decision to quit.

It is learnt that there was a group of four senior SJBers who were disgruntled with the party leadership, which has now seen an increase. It is also learnt that several senior SJBers are considering resigning from their posts or leaving the party altogether. While some seniors are expected to announce their decisions prior to the Local Government Elections, some others are expected to announce their decisions after the polls.

SJB convention

It is in such a backdrop that the SJB is planning to hold its convention in Colombo on Saturday (29). The party’s Management Committee that had met on Wednesday (19) had discussed that the convention needed to be held prior to the Local Government Elections.

It is learnt that the Management Committee has been tasked with making the necessary arrangements to hold the SJB convention on the 29th.

Eran sidelined

With regard to preparing for the upcoming Local Government Elections, there was previously talk that former SJB MP Eran Wickramaratne was tipped to be named as the SJB’s mayoral candidate for the Colombo Municipal Council (CMC). It is learnt that Wickramaratne had also received the support of several other parties for his candidature if he were to be named as the SJB’s mayoral candidate, making him a possible common candidate for the CMC.

An informed source told ‘The Black Box’ that Wickramaratne was to be fielded as the mayoral candidate for the CMC under an SJB-UNP alliance. In fact, discussions between the two parties had progressed to the point that seniors in both the SJB and UNP had agreed to a merger for the CMC under a common symbol. 

Despite the apparent move forward with this decision, in a surprising turn of events, Premadasa loyalist Niroshan Padukka had announced to the media that Wickramaratne would in fact not be contesting. This abrupt announcement had angered many members of both parties.

Meanwhile, a group of SJB seniors have discussed the possibility of fielding a member of the minority community as the party’s mayoral candidate for the CMC. Hearing this move, it is learnt that Wickramaratne had also decided not to push for the mayoral candidacy and decided to stay silent.

It is also learnt that the SJB was looking at a relative of former UNP Minister and Speaker M.H. Mohamed to be named as the party’s mayoral candidate to the CMC. The SJB yesterday (22) nominated Dr. Ruvaiz Haniffa as the party’s mayoral candidate for the CMC.

Call to Mujibur

Meanwhile, SJB MP Mujibur Rahman had received a telephone call from a senior member of the UNP to discuss forming an alliance between the SJB and UNP to contest the CMC despite the actions by Premadasa loyalists against such a union. 

It is learnt that Rahman had been non-committal given that the official talks held between the SJB and UNP to form an alliance had ended in a stalemate.

Rosy under microscope

The UNP’s push for an alliance with the SJB for the CMC comes as former Mayor of the CMC Rosy Senanayake’s tenure is being scrutinised by the parliamentary Committee on Public Enterprises (COPE).

COPE has during several sessions inquired into the irregularities of and financial losses that have been incurred by the CMC in the past few years, especially during Senanayake’s tenure.

Several UNP seniors had expressed concerns over this latest development before COPE, given the adverse impact the outcome of the COPE probes on the CMC could have on Senanayake’s campaign for the UNP at the upcoming CMC election.

However, Senanayake had finally decided not to contest under the UNP for the CMC.

UNP preparations

The UNP however has been kicked into gear this last week with the party leadership taking the decision to contest the upcoming Local Government Elections under the ‘elephant’ symbol islandwide. Having contested the last few elections as part of alliances, the decision for the UNP to contest islandwide as a standalone party has generated much discussion among party supporters.

During a recent meeting with party seniors, the withdrawal of the SJB from the merger was discussed with several raising the question as to whether Premadasa was simply focused on holding on to the Opposition Leader post. It was during this discussion that the UNPers had also raised the fact that Government members seemed more focused on attacking former President Wickremesinghe than focusing on the Opposition in Parliament.

One senior member had commented that despite Wickremesinghe having retired from active politics and having turned his focus to international affairs in recent months, the JVP/NPP had continued to attack him for political points. 

This member had further questioned whether certain sections of the Government were comfortable in the knowledge that Premadasa was either unwilling or unable to challenge the Government in any meaningful way, and was instead fearing a resurgence of the UNP. 

Batalanda campaign

Meanwhile, the UNP, it is learnt, is also looking at making the Batalanda report a part of its campaign for the Local Government Elections, with focus being placed on UNPers and others who were allegedly killed by the JVP during the 1987-’89 period.

UNP organisers, it is also learnt, have instructed their candidates to approach families who have had family members allegedly killed by the JVP.

SLPPers to the north

Meanwhile, the SLPP has decided to contest in the Northern and Eastern Provinces at the Local Government Elections under the party’s ‘flower bud’ symbol. Until now, the SLPP had contested elections in the Northern and Eastern Provinces through alliances with other political parties or as independent groups.

SLPP National Organiser Namal has stated that the party needs to build youth leaders from the north and east. “We didn’t build the youth from these areas in the past and that was a mistake we made that needs to be corrected this time,” he has noted. 

The SLPP’s decision to go solo at the Local Government Elections comes after the long-time ally of the Rajapaksas and the SLPP, the Eelam People’s Democratic Party (EPDP) led by Douglas Devananda, decided not to align with the party to contest the upcoming polls.