• Oppo. MP C.V. Wigneswaran opined that ‘Prez AKD has a dynamic personality & that they can work together on many things if he recognises the Tamils as a nation’

A total of seven Tamil community based political parties, which have often voiced concerns that their issues are not being addressed by the majority community based leaders, fielded former Parliamentarian Ariyanethiran Pakkiyaselvam as the Tamil common candidate in the recently concluded Presidential Election, whereas another section of the Tamil political parties backed former President Ranil Wickremesinghe and Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) and Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa, respectively. Ariyanethiran finished fourth in the race, securing 226,342 votes, particularly in the Jaffna District, and now the focus is on their next steps. 

In an interview with The Daily Morning, President’s Counsel (PC), former Supreme Court Justice and Chief Minister of the Northern Province, incumbent Opposition MP C.V. Wigneswaran — who played a key role in fielding a Tamil common candidate — discussed the progress that they achieved in the Presidential Election, their future plans, the challenges facing the Northern and Eastern communities, and their demands from President Anura Kumara Dissanayake.

Following are excerpts from the interview:

How do you assess the performance of the Tamil common candidate in the Presidential Election?

The Tamil common candidate performed much better than we expected. Our campaign began only about 40 days before the Presidential Election, which was quite late. Other seasoned politicians who contested the Election had been canvassing for a long time across the country. We didn’t have much time for canvassing in the Vanni Electoral District and the Eastern Province. However, our candidate came first in almost all electorates in the Jaffna District, except for one or two that went to Premadasa. Overall, the common candidate was able to bring about a unity that hadn’t existed before, with various parties coming together to support him.

With internal divisions within most of the Tamil political parties during the Presidential Election, how do you interpret the voting patterns in the North?

In the North, there were three main groups: the first group wanted to boycott the Presidential Election, the second group needed to align with Southern political parties and candidates to gain as much as possible for themselves and their community, and the third group, which was us, put forward a common candidate to unify our people and negotiate with whatever Government comes to power as a strong group. Our focus was to bring the people together and unify them to advocate for our rights.

Why do you think the Northern electorate by and large did not support President Dissanayake?

I even told him in the Parliament that the Tamil people would not vote for him because it was the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) that went before the Supreme Court (SC) and got the North and East demerged, which were brought together under the Indo-Sri Lanka Accord signed in the 1980s. For some reason, the JVP managed to demerge these Provinces, and that is the main reason why the Tamil people didn’t support him. However, if in the future he shows that he is non-corrupt and follows through on his promises, the Tamil community’s attitude towards him could change.

What are the plans of the parties that supported the Tamil common candidate for the upcoming General Election?

We need to meet and discuss the upcoming Election. We are already of the view that this approach has been beneficial and has brought us together. We will soon discuss the possibility of working together in the upcoming Parliamentary and Provincial Councils (PC) Elections. Decisions on this will be made after further discussions.

Do you anticipate continued support from the Tamil community based political parties that backed Ariyanethiran previously?

Yes, all the seven parties that backed him have already expressed their intention to unite and move forward as one unit. There will be continued support from them.

How is the Tamil diaspora reacting to the overall Election results and the performance of the Tamil representatives?

The diaspora has appreciated the performance of the Tamil common candidate. Many diaspora members praised our efforts made to unite Tamil parties and the community within a short time frame. They said that although they weren't able to provide us with much financial support, our efforts were commendable. There are varying opinions among the diaspora, similar to those in the country. Some believe that we should have aligned with a party or a candidate to secure gains for the Tamil community, while some others are of the view that we should have abstained from participating in the Election altogether. We believe that avoiding Elections is counterproductive and does not help anyone.

Given the National People's Power's (NPP) stance on the ethnic issue, what are your expectations for their approach?

The NPP's stance on the ethnic issue is not very clear. They have been vague whenever they were asked about their position. We don't know how they plan to handle the 13th Amendment to the Constitution or if they will hold the PCs Elections. However, they have said that they will treat all religions equally, which we fully welcome. It was positive to see some Buddhist priests who attended Dissanayake's swearing-in ceremony stand up for the national anthem. This is a good sign, as there should be no special privileges given to Buddhist priests. It is they who are responsible for many of the issues faced by the minority communities. For instance, in 1958, if the proposed law to grant the reasonable use of the Tamil language, introduced by the then Prime Minister S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike had been allowed to pass, we might not have seen a war. However, 60-70 Buddhist priests went to Bandaranaike's residence at Rosmead Place in Colombo and forced him to tear up the Bill, which he did. Bandaranaike initially said that the best solution for the country was a federal Constitution. He was from Gampaha and part of the low-country Sinhalese, and there were various groups — up-country Sinhalese, Northern and up-country Tamils, Muslims, etc. He believed that allowing each group the right to self-govern would be the ideal solution. However, when Premier D.S. Senanayake suddenly handed over leadership to Premier Dudley Senanayake, things started to become bad. After Dudley Senanayake, Premier John Kotelawala took over. Both were junior to Bandaranaike in the United National Party (UNP), so Bandaranaike felt compelled to adopt a populist stance to gain votes. He did this by pushing the ‘Sinhala Only’ policy within 24 hours. The previous week, Kotelawala was in Jaffna and had promised equal status to both Tamil and Sinhala languages. But, when Bandaranaike declared ‘Sinhala Only" within 24 hours, the UNP won just eight seats in the Parliament. Being a knowledgeable person, Bandaranaike knew that his actions were wrong. He tried to correct this by facilitating the reasonable use of the Tamil language in those areas, but the Buddhist priests blocked the effort. This was the beginning of many of our current issues. In my view, Buddhist priests should not be involved unnecessarily in political matters. If the NPP treats all religions equally, I believe that most of the country — except for the staunch Sinhala Buddhist groups — will welcome that approach.

The NPP Leader has expressed a willingness to win the trust of those who did not vote for him. In your view, what steps should he take to gain the support of the Northern community?

Firstly, he must withdraw the armed forces from the North and the East and establish a sophisticated and modern surveillance system. The Government's primary need is to monitor whether young people in these regions are taking up arms, and it can be done through advanced surveillance technology. Sri Lanka has 331,000 soldiers in its Army, whereas Great Britain has only 91,000. This is because most such countries rely on sophisticated instruments and technology to fulfill their security needs. The military presence should be withdrawn and the lands that have been taken from the people should be returned, keeping only a small portion for surveillance purposes. Surveillance of incoming boats and other activities can be conducted using advanced instruments, given the current level of technology. Instead of adopting this modern approach, what have the Governments done? Five out of the seven regional military offices in the country are stationed in the North and the East. But why? Are they expecting the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) militants to return? Many of them have been killed, some have left the country, and others are now old. The Government could reduce the size of the Army, and allow the soldiers to return to their villages or employ them in development work. Instead, the military occupies our lands, cultivates them, runs restaurants and hotels, and reaps the benefits in the North. They also assist Buddhist priests in setting up temples — 37 Buddhist temples have recently been established in the Mullaitivu District, in areas where no Buddhists reside except for military personnel. We don’t oppose a surveillance system, but we don’t need the military stationed in our areas. Secondly, the President should allow the Northern and Eastern people to work in their offices using the Tamil language. Translators and interpreters can be employed to communicate and prepare documents in Sinhala, but, our people should have the right to work in their own language. This is happening to some extent, but, much of the communication is still done in Sinhala only. People need to feel that they are managing their affairs and that their work is being conducted by their own communities. The least amount of interference from the Central Government is the best way to win the hearts of the Northern community. Lastly, the ongoing land grabbing through various departments and the construction of Buddhist places of worship in predominantly non-Buddhist areas must stop.

Has any Government brought about a satisfactory solution to the ethnic problem of Sri Lanka thus far?

Former President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga’s package of constitutional amendments brought in 2000 was the most progressive initiative from any Government in addressing Tamil issues thus far. I think that that was the best possible solution that has been proposed by anybody so far. Though that is not sufficient or adequate for ourselves, that's the best that could have been done. We may possibly go back to the draft brought by Kumaratunga, make some amendments and work on it now.

Do you wish to discuss these issues with Dissanayake?

I of course congratulate the new President. I was seated in the Parliament just two or three seats away from him. I have always been very fascinated by the speeches he made. I used to follow them with my limited Sinhala language skills and I used to be very interested in them. I think that he has a very dynamic personality and he should do very well. We can come together and do so many things only if he recognises that we Tamils are a nation. We have areas, a language, a culture, and a religion of our own. We are entitled to look after ourselves in terms of Article 1 of International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) which states that all peoples have the right of self-determination. By virtue of that right, they freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development. If he recognises that we have that right, I am sure that we will work together and make this country a rich country as it was in the past.

The United National Party (UNP) has announced plans to form a new alliance. Would you consider aligning with the SJB or the UNP, considering their electoral performance in the North?

No. We don't have any plans to align with them as of now. What we are trying is to strengthen our structure. Our future lies in us getting together and becoming a strong force. The Tamil candidate becoming the fourth in the race is a great achievement. We were able to do it because we united with each other. We must continue that unity. You see, upcountry Tamils' trade unions, particularly what was founded by Savumiamoothy Thondaman (Ceylon Workers' Congress [CWC]) used to have various demands put forward to the Government, and the Government had to fulfill them because they (CWC) were very strong in the plantations. We must become very strong where we are. Then, we can discuss with the NPP, the SJB, or the UNP and consider aligning with them. The NPP's victory is a prime example for what I say. They used to be the third force in politics, and they have now become the first.

What strategies should be in place to unite the Tamil political parties?

We have already made a start, and that strategy must continue. Our intention is to educate our people, as most are unaware of what is taking place. The NPP may bring changes, but, so far, land grabbing, the construction of Buddhist temples, and the settlement of Sinhalese people in Tamil community based areas are occurring on a large scale. We are pointing out these issues to our people, warning that if these activities are allowed to continue, these areas will eventually become Sinhala majority areas. If that happens, we may face the same fate as the Burghers in Sri Lanka. We are trying to point out the dangers lurking from certain policies being followed by the Central Government.

There seems to be a lack of engagement of the Tamil community based political parties with political parties representing the Muslim community. What is the reason behind this?

The Muslims, per se, are not like that; it is the Muslim leaders who are different. They only keep us divided. When the North and the East were brought together, some Muslim leaders opposed it. However, when we spoke to the Muslim people, they expressed that we should unite since we speak the same language. The Muslim leaders are different from the Muslim people. They are very selfish regarding the benefits that they can gain from the Government that they support, and so on. The Muslim people are very much like us. Therefore, we prefer to keep a low profile, engage with the Muslim people, but distance ourselves from the Muslim leaders.

If given the opportunity to discuss the ethnic issue with the current Government, what would be your primary demands?

In addition to what I said earlier, the Northern Province lacks rivers and relies on tanks and wells for its water supply. One critical issue that we face is the need to desalinise our tanks. It is essential to improve water management. During his tenure as the Minister of Water Supply, Vasudeva Nanayakkara attempted to address this in a couple of areas, but, much more needs to be done. We require a complete rehabilitation of our tanks and ponds. Historically, we had an effective system for transferring water from one tank to another, and no water went to waste. King Parackramabahu famously stated, "Not a drop of water should reach the sea unused." We must establish a level of water management. Additionally, there are opportunities to develop certain areas into tourist destinations, allowing visitors to come, stay, and explore.

The previous Government had plans to enhance connectivity between Sri Lanka and India. What are your views on this, and will you pursue discussions with the current Government on these plans?

The issue of connectivity is a matter for the two countries to decide, but, we certainly welcome connections. Our people frequently travel to India for shopping and to visit places of worship, while many in India are also eager to visit Sri Lanka, particularly due to the country's connections to the Ramayana. Considering these factors, enhanced connectivity between India and Sri Lanka, even in the form of a bridge or any other mode, is essential and beneficial for both nations.

What do you expect from the Government concerning the resettlement of Tamils who fled to Tamil Nadu during the civil conflict?

When those people try to return, they often find that the Government has given their land to Sinhala settlers. When I was the Chief Minister of the Northern Province, many people came to me saying that their lands had been taken over by the Government. When we asked the relevant departments, they claimed that the original owners had left without informing them. These people fled due to the war, and they may not have notified the authorities. The Government took advantage of this and, instead of returning the land to the local people, brought in Sinhalese settlers. We need to take a fresh approach to the rehabilitation and resettlement of Tamils. Bringing these people back would benefit the country. Many of those who fled the North during the war, including some who went to Tamil Nadu (TN), are still living in camps. Bringing them back would help the country, as they are hardworking people.