The President last Wednesday (3) announced that Sri Lanka will contribute to a coalition effort to secure the Red Sea for safe navigation of commercial shipping.
According to President Wickremesinghe, who is also the Minister of Defence, and the Minister of Finance, among other portfolios, Sri Lanka Navy (SLN) is to dispatch a “vessel” to join one of the multinational efforts to protect the vital lines of communication from attacks by Houthi rebels, who are widely believed to be backed by Iran.
Having entered a “year of austerity” with widespread public concern about mounting taxes and lack of transparency on how state revenue is collected and put to use, the President’s announcement will likely come as a timely distraction for the public. Further, the announcement will also likely be a feather in the cap of powerful nations who have been struggling over the last month to forge a strong collective response to the Red Sea – Houthi crisis. The United States, France and others have mounted different security collaborations to respond to the crisis which began in the Bab el-Mandeb Strait and stems from the longstanding failed state situation in Yemen. Notably, many regional actors like Saudi Arabia, Egypt and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) have not signalled that they will join any western-led coalition. Given the geopolitical situation in Yemen, the proxy forces at play in the country, and what’s transpiring in Gaza, Palestine, it is likely that many nations would be cautious in their response to the situation. Further, Iran has not indicated how it will play its hand in the region, which is a key factor to consider.
India, which expressed concerns about the crisis early on, only deployed Indian Navy vessels (some of the newest and best equipped in their fleet) supported by advanced maritime patrol aircrafts (MPAs), only after a vessel was struck by a kamikaze explosive drone close to its shores. The attack, which has been up–to–date, a “one off” occurred around 200 nautical miles from India’s Gujarat coast on 23 December (2023). India, and some of the other nations who deploy their high-tech warships to such conflict prone areas where modern asymmetric threats are at play, will likely be keen to battle test their equipment, and devise new tactics to face emerging threats. The proliferation and use of guided rockets, missile, and combat drone (loitering munitions) technology has seen a global interest in how to combat them. One only has to look at the evolutionary way such weapons and tactics are being used recently in Nagorno-Karabakh, Ukraine, and the Israel – Hamas conflict, to understand that the global powers and the armament industry is scrambling to catch up.
Sri Lanka joining such a coalition, is in a way the island nation finally semaphoring a willingness to become a “more involved” global citizen. However, such a deployment would be significantly challenging for Sri Lanka at this hour. If the proposed deployment of a Navy “ship” to such a hotspot materialises, the Sri Lankan effort would at best be mostly symbolic. Also, it is likely that Sri Lanka will not “rush” a Navy vessel to the region tomorrow. Such missions require preparation, a well thought out logistics, command and control, and specialised training to be effective. The President stated that a two week deployment of the vessel will cost about Rs. 250 million. Another key challenge which Sri Lanka will face in deploying Naval vessels to such hotspots is the lack of defence investment over the last 14 years will begin to show, and leave our sailors handicapped. This is not to say that the officers and sailors of the SLN are not competent, they are, however, they lack the proper kit to deal with the threat spectrum which they will likely face in the Red Sea region. The Sri Lanka Navy, despite having long-range offshore patrol vessels, which have performed admirably in constabulary roles, lack advanced sensors and guided weapons systems which will be essential to counter the threats they are likely from the Houthis. Despite having the “hulls” that can go the distance and patrol, or perhaps even help convoy merchantmen, the SLN lacks critical sensors such as stabilised thermal imaging systems to identify and track threats, fire control systems to effectively engage them, command and control systems to coordinate effectively in such an environment, nor the guided air defence missile systems to counter missile/drone attacks. Significant time, resources and planning will be needed to equip, arm and train specialists to use such with the efficiency needed for the task at hand.
Perhaps, this situation will finally push the Government to conduct a proper defence review, and prioritise defence expenditure based on well-defined national interest. Let’s hope that the Government doesn’t push Sri Lankan servicemen and women into harm’s way, without giving them a fighting chance, not just to join “a band of brothers”, on a noble endeavour.