The recent arrest of four suspected Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) terrorists in Ahmedabad, India by the Gujarat Anti-Terrorism Squad, has returned the spotlight to Sri Lanka’s extremism issue.

It was reported yesterday (29) that a team of officers from India’s Gujarat Anti-Terrorist Squad (ATS) are preparing to visit Sri Lanka to investigate the arrest of four ISIS terror suspects. The move comes in the wake of Sri Lanka authorities detaining two individuals related to the case, while a third suspect, Osmond Gerrard, remains at large. Sri Lanka has declared Gerrard wanted and announced a Rs. 2 million reward for his capture. The four suspects who were apprehended on 20 May have been identified as Mohammad Nusrat (33), Mohammad Farish (35), Mohammad Nafran (27), and Mohammad Rashdeen (43). Indian authorities suspect that the four have been in touch with radical preachers and may have been indoctrinated towards a violent path by such association. Indian authorities have uncovered several pistols and other extremism related paraphernalia based on information gathered in the ongoing investigation. In Sri Lanka, investigations are underway into the four suspects and to find out how they slipped through the island's security apparatus.

Combating extremism, especially violent extremism has become a touchy topic in Sri Lanka, particularly following the Easter Sunday attack of 2019. Sri Lanka has a long history of extremists and violent extremism, with incidents of hate speech, intolerance, instigation of public disorder and riots dotting the island’s troubled post-colonial history. However, extremism and the need to counter it, is a national security elephant in the room, which Sri Lankans will have to face at some point.

One of the key issues with combating extremism and violent extremism in Sri Lanka, is the perception that there is a double standard that is applied. It is often seen that some fringe elements of the Buddhist clergy, who make racist and extremist commentary towards minority groups, often only get a slap on the wrist, or see no repercussions at all. There are questions about how the laws are applied and if they applied uniformly. Further, Presidential pardons given to firebrand monks have seriously eroded faith in the governments – impartiality in the application of the law, and also eroded confidence of justice from the Judiciary among the minority communities. For Sri Lanka to effectively counter extremism, the enforcement of the law needs to be applied fairly. As a country, Sri Lanka needs to move quickly to depoliticise the enforcement mechanism, and the law enforcement practitioners enforce law based on evidence and intelligence.

Secondly, the Government of the day must move to effectively dispel myths and conspiracy theories that surround the East Sunday bombings, and provide clear, well-articulated, evidence-based findings into the attack. It is not enough for a State to simply prosecute and enforce the law in pursuit of justice for the victims of the Easter Sunday attack. It is the responsibility to be as transparent as possible and hold all, including those responsible for the neglect or criminal neglect of the islands national security to book, on this matter. One of the fundamental mistakes that Sri Lankan politicians did in the aftermath of the attack was to politicise the issue and to use it for their benefit. Today, Sri Lanka continues to suffer from such actions, with communities divided and the State not found to be worthy of trust. 

Today, conspiracy theories have put the entire Sri Lankan security apparatus on trial, with many pointing fingers at state elements and officials linked to politicians. Many have asked who is the ‘master-mind’ behind the Easter Sunday attack. This question has seen an answer from relevant ministries, such as the Ministry of Defence, Justice and Public Security. However, there is a wide segment of the population, including many victims of Easter Sunday bombings, who do not believe in that answer. The fact that many opt to believe conspiracy theories in place of the investigation by state authorities, is telling of the trust deficits between the public and the state.  

Thirdly, all communities in Sri Lanka, Sinhala, Tamil and Muslim, need to take a look in the mirror. Many communities fear being branded ‘terrorist’ or ‘extremists’ or ‘racists’, nevertheless, ignoring the issue will only make the problem grow out of hand. Communities in Sri Lanka are divided, there is little or no national identity. In such a climate, it may be easier to blame the State or point to a conspiracy that seems credible to them, than to self-reflect. However, extremism is a phenomenon which is there in every community, and is one which often misinterprets every faith there is.  Community leaders, religious leaders and lawmakers (there are few we can call national leaders) need to recognise the danger to Sri Lanka as a whole, and to their own communities (since extremists are habitually fundamentalist and historically try to use violence and coercion to change their own communities to meet an imagine of what they perceive is right), and begin to address the issue. If not, while the state and the communities bicker, and faith in the national systems of justice remain eroded, vulnerable young Sri Lankans will be preyed upon by extremists both local and foreign.