The Chinese geophysical and seismic scientific research vessel Shi Yan 6 docked at Colombo Port for replenishment, the Government is yet to decide (as of last evening) about granting permission for the controversial vessel to embark on the requested joint survey along the southern coast with the National Aquatic Resources Research and Development Agency (NARA). The Shi Yan 6’s planned arrival in Sri Lanka has been reported on for more than two months. However, the Government has been dragging its feet on the matter, as it is yet to give permission on the issue which has national security and foreign policy implications for crisis-hit Sri Lanka. The more time Sri Lanka takes to address this matter, the more damage it may cause to its image.
Colombo’s reluctance to give permission or void it for the proposed joint survey, signals its weakness in foreign policy to the world. Yes, Sri Lanka is in a difficult situation and does need the support of many countries, especially China, India and the United States to effect meaningful debt restructuring, and to move towards some sought of economic recovery. However, since the Chinese had sought permission in April for the vessel to visit this month, the delay in making a decision is telling. Irrespective of whatever conditions were attached to the visit of Shi Yan 6, if at all there were any, Sri Lanka should have made a decision by now and announced it. Further, Sri Lanka should have published the reviewed Standard Operational Procedure (SOP) to govern visits by naval and research vessels, military aircraft and unmanned systems, which it approved in July, by now. The absence of it, makes Colombo look not in control of its affairs. When asked, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, has for the past three months said the SOP’s will ‘come soon’.
The arrival of the Shi Yan – 6, like the Chinese state-owned satellite tracking vessel Yuan Wang – 5 in August last year developed into a serious diplomatic issue between Sri Lanka and neighbouring India. The Yuan Wang – 5 affair could have been better managed, if the domestic policy decision making stakeholders, and the other state entities worked in synergy. However, lack of coordination and the practice of passing the buck when it comes to taking responsibility and making a decision within the Sri Lankan bureaucracy, let the island down, again. When Yuan Wang – 5 arrived, other countries who were concerned about China’s rise and posture in the Indian Ocean, like the United States, had also expressed their reservation. Today, with Shi Yan 6, the entire matter feels like déjà vu.
As usual, New Delhi had raised concerns about the visit of both vessels with Colombo, while some segments of the Indian media characteristically went into overdrive about the perceived threat, as they usually do about anything Chinese do south of the Palk Strait. While Sri Lanka has signalled, through speeches and practice, that it will work closely with India on security-related matters, the island nation has sovereign rights to decide who visits and not, and with whom Sri Lanka will conduct research with. There have been several such joint research efforts before, many with Indian state entities. Sri Lanka has maintained that they wish the Indian Ocean Region to remain one of peace. However, the growing political contention brought to the Indian Ocean by India, China, the United States and others will likely only increase incidents Sri Lankan foreign policy will be tested in the future. This is the price of great power rivalry, when you are a smaller state.
The media spotlight on such visits by Chinese vessels are often “Bollywood scale” by the regional press, and with it builds unreasonable pressure on both New Delhi and Colombo to act. Why Sri Lanka failed to see this happening when the Shi Yan 6 sought approval in April and took action so as not to let the situation disintegrate to where it has (as of now), is a question that the Presidential Secretariat, the ministries of Defence and Foreign Affairs, and institutions like NARA should answer. The Ministries and agencies seem to pass the buck to each other stating they were awaiting the decision of the other. This indicates that none of them will make the final decision, and it will likely be taken by the Executive. How such an arrangement will help Sri Lanka show that its foreign policy is stable is concerning. These delays, and lack of transparency and accountability about foreign policy decisions will only make Sri Lanka look weaker. And history shows, the weak will always be bullied.