• SL needs to take India into consideration on economic policies
• No recovery without new mandate, change in political culture
• RW-SLPP Government has no mandate or legitimacy
• Political stability and economic stability remain distant
• Clear timelines needed for interim govt. and early elections
• NPP ready to lead govt., confident of solutions to address crisis
• Restructuring of SOEs should be done following a review 
• Public sector is bloated due to failed political culture
• NPP will support 22A but will also move amendments to it

By Asiri Fernando Sri Lanka needs to address long-standing issues regarding the country’s political culture and draft new economic and foreign policies to navigate towards economic recovery, Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) and National People’s Power (NPP) Leader MP Anura Kumara Dissanayake told The Sunday Morning last week. Dissanayake said the NPP coalition was ready to lead a government that can find solutions to the crisis the country is facing. He also acknowledged that popular public support enjoyed by them did not always provide them with votes and that the party was planning to embark on a process to create a dialogue that would explain to the public how they planned to govern. He blamed long-standing narratives of fear that had been socialised for their poor performance at the polling booth. In an interview with The Sunday Morning, Dissanayake discussed a range of issues faced during crisis governance, the proposed changes to the Constitution, and the required recalibration of national policies, which he believes will help Sri Lanka regain its feet and prosper.  Following are excerpts of the interview: What are your thoughts on the latest developments on the political and economic front in Sri Lanka?  Firstly, the current President and Parliament do not have a public mandate. In 2019, the public voted for Gotabaya Rajapaksa for a five-year term. That mandate was also one against Ranil Wickremesinghe and his Yahapalanaya Government. Therefore, Wickremesinghe becoming the President is a gross violation of that public mandate. A government which lacks a mandate given by the public can never be stable.  President Wickremesinghe and his Government should not mistake the 134 votes they got in Parliament as a public mandate, because it is not. A government’s legitimacy doesn’t come from how many seats it has in Parliament; it comes from how it is perceived and how close it is to the public. Therefore, without a new public mandate being sought, the political instability in Sri Lanka doesn’t end, it endures. Secondly, on the economic front, there are some signs that parts of society are feeling that economic stability is gradually returning. However, the deeper crisis remains unaddressed. The Sri Lankan Government decided in April that we will not repay our debt and Sri Lanka declared bankruptcy. On average, Sri Lanka needs to put aside $ 300 to 400 million per month to repay our external debt and Sri Lanka hasn’t paid that for four months. Further, we had to pay $ 1 billion for International Sovereign Bonds (ISBs) in July and we haven’t paid around $ 2 billion over the last four months. So if anyone is claiming that we are on the path to economic recovery that would be inaccurate. We are not of the view that a foreign institution or foreign country alone can save Sri Lanka from this crisis. Sri Lanka can and needs to get help from foreign institutions and countries for the recovery effort. However, it is us Sri Lankans, with our will to recover who have to do what it takes to recover. Simply put, leaders who created this crisis can’t help the country recover from it. Historically, only new leadership has helped to recover from a crisis, not leadership from those who steered the country into the crisis. Therefore, I don’t think the current economic and political crisis will be effectively addressed soon. What is the JVP/NPP stance regarding the request to form an all-party government? The NPP had indicated that they were going to meet the President regarding the request but later differed. Why was that? There was no change. There was a broad discussion within the NPP about whether we as a party should accept the invitation or not. Following a lengthy discussion, we decided not to join the talks about an all-party government. We will reply to the letter he [Wickremesinghe] has sent. According to our Constitution, the Executive Presidency has a lot of power. As soon as Gotabaya Rajapaksa fled, we [NPP] proposed that the presidency should be held for a stipulated period by a person who had no political ambitions and that a new government be formed by the parties within Parliament. We believe that would have been the best all-party government, followed by a General Election as soon as possible. We believed that such a course of action would have given the public an opportunity to renew their mandate. We had two conditions; that the all-party government would be established for a specific time period and that all parties would be afforded a similar responsibility. We discussed this with all the parties in Parliament but failed to reach a consensus. What happened next was that the Rajapaksa loyalists and Wickremesinghe got together and formed a government. So this invitation by RW is not to join an all-party government, it is to become partners in a Rajapaksa-Wickremesinghe government. We are not ready to prop up another regime loyal to the Rajapaksas. Further, Wickremesinghe has not mentioned the time frame for this present Government, which is deeply troubling. However, if this Government brings forward good legislation or programmes which will genuinely address the economic crisis, we will support such action based on their merits. If the opportunity presents itself, is the JVP/NPP ready to take leadership of the government with an ongoing crisis? Please explain why. Yes, we can. We believe that political parties such as ours do not get political power during normal instances. During normal periods, people lean on traditional political parties; they like the comfort of the ‘known process’. Parties such as ours only get political power to lead a country during a crisis. Therefore, we are ready to give the right leadership the country needs during these crises, and we are ready to face the challenges. We are confident we can find solutions to the problems Sri Lanka is facing. What are the proposals of the JVP/NPP to help Sri Lanka navigate out of the current crisis? As the NPP, we believe that we need short-term and long-term solutions to overcome this crisis. There are two core issues that drive this crisis. They are: 1) Our State does not generate enough revenue to cover most of our expenditure. 2) We don’t earn enough foreign currency – dollars. There are many reasons for these two issues, some of which have been long-standing. In the short-term:

1. We [Sri Lanka] needed to reschedule our external debt – buy us some breathing space.
2. We need to try to find bridging finance and get new loans.
3. We need to move fast to improve credibility and rebuild the trust in us so that our expatriates improve the dollar remittance they send to Sri Lanka. I think we used to get more than $ 7 billion in remittances before the crisis.
4. Sri Lanka needs to work hard to earn at least $ 2 billion during the next tourist season. Before the crisis I think we used to earn more than $ 3 billion.
5. Lastly, Sri Lanka needs to change its lifestyle to reflect our spending capacity. Whether we like it or not, we in Sri Lanka buy with rupees and spend using dollars and that is a big part of the problem.

Without the above-mentioned short-term solutions, it is unlikely that we can recover. In the long term, Sri Lanka needs a new economic plan which best utilises our diplomatic relations, working with international agencies and friendly countries, and enables better utilisation of our resources – including our human resources.   Such a plan has to take into account how we can utilise our resources and leverage our strategic positioning, current and future markets, and the geopolitical environment we need to navigate. In this, it is our belief that we can’t create an effective economic strategy without considering our proximity to and relations with India. This is a reality we need to understand, no matter how difficult it may be to accept.  Further, we need to take into account the culture and historical foundation of our country. This is also important; we can’t simply uproot a long-standing way of life and superimpose another on a country. Germany did not become an industrialised country overnight; it has a history of industry stemming from mining. Likewise, in Sri Lanka, we have an agriculture-based civilisation. Therefore, I think the above-mentioned key points need to be taken into account when we develop long-term solutions for Sri Lanka, so that our country may never face such a crisis again.  Many think that economic solutions alone can solve this crisis. We [NPP] believe that we need to look further into its causes and address the overarching issue of a disruptive political culture which has been forcing Sri Lanka down for a long time. I think many are reluctant to address this, but we feel that there is no moving forward without addressing the core problem. Most of the major investment projects that have taken place in Sri Lanka have not been in the national interest, but in the political interest of our leaders. This is why Mahinda Rajapaksa’s plan to come to power had a development plan for Hambantota – not the entire country. He was aiming to win elections and hold on to power in place of advancing Sri Lanka. Sirisena did the same with his plans for Polonnaruwa, not for Sri Lanka. Most investment projects in Sri Lanka have also been due to geopolitics and furthering the influence of those countries, not in Sri Lanka’s interest. If you look at one example, Sri Lanka needed $ 1 billion to upgrade and expand the production capacity of our national oil refinery. Instead of thinking about energy security, we authorised a $ 1.3 billion project to build a port in Hambantota, which we later leased to China – the builder/investor – for $ 1.3 billion. So, who benefited? Sri Lanka is facing a major energy crisis now. Sri Lanka needs to put Sri Lankan interests first and find investors who can work within that framework. A need to restructure loss-making State-Owned Enterprises (SOEs) has been highlighted; some public institutions which are overstaffed may need to be resized. If the JVP/NPP was in power, how would you address this critical issue? We need to ask why the CPC makes massive losses and the LIOC makes a profit, even though the CPC has a bigger market share. Also, there is a criticism that the public service is overstaffed. However, we need to ask where it is overstaffed. For example, we have the education sector where there is a significant shortage of teachers and lecturers, particularly for Science, Technology, Engineering and Mathematics (STEM), but the sector maintains a large pool of minor staff. Why is that? It’s the same story at the Ceylon Transport Board (CTB) and other public institutions. Why are State institutions packed with unskilled labour? It is because that’s the kind of employment politicians can give to their henchmen as a reward for their support. The political culture of the country we spoke of before has played a major role in this problem. We [NPP] are not of the view that the majority of the economy should be controlled by the government. However, the State must maintain a controlling capability of the sectors that are important for the functioning of the State and maintenance of national security; these include energy, security, and communications and there also needs to be a strong State banking system. We think that some strategic sectors, such as energy, should remain under the control of the government as our energy market is a small one. The government should hold on to controlling the power of such critical sectors; there can be private entities as part of that market, but the government ought to be in control. There are of course some non-strategic sectors in which the State can have a smaller footprint and allow private or Public-Private Partnerships (PPPs) to manage.   The restructuring of SOEs should be done following a thorough review. The JVP has maintained a consistent stance on cracking down on corruption and regaining stolen wealth/assets and taxpayer funds to help economic recovery. Without up-to-date legislation and international cooperation to recover assets or proceeds of crime in place, how can Sri Lanka benefit from these funds which have been moved overseas? We are planning to introduce several amendments regarding this issue. At present we [NPP] are discussing them and getting legal advice on them. We are also planning to support several UN anti-corruption measures Sri Lanka can adopt to prevent misuse and theft of public funds. While there are obstacles to seizing assets and repatriating funds moved overseas due to gaps in the legislation, we feel that the lack of political will is the main reason that such measures have been delayed or are moving slowly. We strongly feel that one corrupt leadership will not bring to book other corrupt politicians and officials. They will never do it. They may make campaign promises to do so, but they have never done so and won’t do so in future either. One crook will not try to enforce the law on another. One example is the recent allegation made by the Opposition Leader about then Minister of Ports, Shipping, and Aviation Nimal Siripala de Silva and Japan’s Taisei Corporation. Former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa asked Siripala to step down, which he did. New President Wickremesinghe, without using the existing anti-corruption instruments – the Bribery Commission – navigated around it and appointed his ‘committee’ to ‘investigate’ the allegations and Siripala was re-appointed as a minister. What does that tell you about the political will to end corruption? With the Aragalaya people’s protest movement, there seems to be an increase in those who support your party. How confident are you that such support will translate into votes at an upcoming General Election? From history, we know that in Sri Lanka public support does not necessarily translate to votes at the polling booth. We know there is an uptick in support for our party. The reason it doesn’t translate to votes is that the voter goes to the polls to bring in a new government and they feel we can’t form a government; therefore they cast their ballot for one of the two traditional political parties to help them form a strong government, no matter what policies the parties encourage. Therefore, we need to impress on the people that we too can form a government and we are in the process of doing that. There are two challenges we face in doing so. Firstly, the public cannot visualise what a JVP/NPP government will look like. It is like a blind person trying to describe an animal. At present what the public imagines comes from scaremongering that other parties use to suppress us. A few have asked us about what a government led by us will look like.  Secondly, there is a state of fear that has been created by our opponents that the JVP is against the private sector, that we don’t have strong international relations, and that we will create a 1988/’89 type atmosphere if we come to power.  We are trying to create a broad discussion about these narratives that are being pushed and to explain our policies to the public with the aim of changing their perceptions. We are planning to hold a conference where we hope to engage with the private sector, industry, and others on what our policies are and that the NPP is a coalition with a number of partners. The Government is moving forward with the proposed 22nd Amendment (22A), which it is calling ‘19A Plus’. Will the JVP support the 22A and what changes will the JVP pursue during the committee discussion stage of the 22A process? We will extend our support for the 22nd Amendment to the Constitution, but we feel there are some important changes that need to be made to it. We plan to introduce them at the committee stage.  We are worried about someone with no public mandate remaining the President for the duration of this term of two-and-a-half years. Therefore, we feel that if the appointed President has more than six months left in this presidency, there should be an election. We will also push for the Cabinet to be restricted to 25 members and for deputy minister portfolios to also be restricted to 25. We need to do away with these ‘state minister’ posts; they were created to keep political friends happy and are a burden to the taxpayer. We will also push for ministry subject classification to be included in the Constitution. There needs to be a clearly-established jurisdiction for each ministry and we need to prevent replication or overlap. A president or prime minister should not be able to create new ministries at their whim and fancy. We can add an amendment that will allow new ministries to be created with specifications voted on as the years advance and some specific new priorities emerge in the future. We will also strongly advocate at the committee level to remove most of the privileges that are currently afforded to those appointed as president and ministers. Such privileges are wasteful; they are an unnecessary burden on the Treasury and promote inefficiency. Given our economic conditions, we can no longer afford to let these continue. We hope to introduce several other amendments to the 22nd Amendment on similar grounds, which are being discussed by the NPP now. What is the JVP/NPP’s stance on the public call for an early election? Do you think the Wickremesinghe-Gunawardena Government will go for early elections?  In accordance with the Constitution, there are only two ways to go for an early election. First is through a parliamentary consensus on the need for one. Secondly, after February the President has the power to dissolve Parliament and call for General Elections. The control of both options remains with Wickremesinghe and the SLPP-led Government. However, there is another way – if the political stability between Wickremesinghe and the Rajapaksas worsens, then it may open the door for an early election. If the relationship between them deteriorates to the level where they cannot sustain the working of the Government effectively, that could lead to an election. Also, if the economic situation gets worse and pressures the public to mobilise in protests again, the people’s power can lead to an early election too. Sri Lanka’s foreign policy has been tested with the planned visit by a Chinese satellite tracking vessel to Hambantota Port. In your opinion, how should Sri Lanka manage its foreign policy during these difficult times? I don’t think our rulers had an effective foreign policy that put Sri Lankan interests first. I feel that the leadership of this country in the past worked on behalf of foreign interests. Therefore, instead of Sri Lanka having a firm and well-thought-out foreign policy, we became a country that was directed by the foreign policies of other countries. Take for example the construction of Norochcholai Coal Power Plant. It was given to China and following that Sampur was given to India. What was this? To please these countries instead of doing what was right for Sri Lanka. The railway line for Matara to Beliatta was given to China while the Omanthai-Kankesanturai stretch was given to India. The Southern Terminal of the Colombo Port was given to China and the East Terminal to India. Therefore, our only foreign policy has been that we don’t have a foreign policy. As such, Sri Lanka has compromised its sovereignty and fallen into a dangerous trap of geopolitics. Sri Lanka needs a new foreign policy to navigate out of the entrapment. In creating a new foreign policy, we need to be mindful of adversely impacting India’s national interests. This is because of the proximity and linkages we have with it. I think it’s time we acknowledge this fact irrespective of how we feel about it. If Sri Lanka was in proximity to China, then China’s interests would have to be taken into consideration. I think we need to take India into consideration in our economic policies too.