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National security 

23 May 2021

Two of the most used and abused words in Sri Lanka’s political lexicon, at least in the recent past, has been the metaphor “national security”. It has been used to intimidate and subjugate political opposition and minority communities, to enact draconian legislation, to procure arms and equipment, to win elections, to accrue undue benefits to political entities, to engage and disengage from regional geopolitical interventions, to provide undue importance to places and personalities, etc. The list goes on. It has been a handy tool in the hands of foraging politicians who have not hesitated to use its magical powers to overcome political barriers.  Nevertheless, national security was one aspect that was conspicuous by its absence in the parliamentary debate on the now legally established Colombo Port City Special Economic Zone and the Commission that is to govern it. While members of Parliament on both sides of the divide waxed eloquent on the economic aspects, one crucial area that none seemed to focus on was the impact this new landmass will have on the security of the rest of the island.   For instance, this city within the city, the complete management of which is now in the hands of a corporate body in the name and style of a public commission exclusively to be appointed by the President, will have its own entry point into the country via a marina that has already been set up with a berthing jetty for yachts sailing the high seas. It is imperative that state agencies such as the Department of Immigration and Emigration, Sri Lanka Customs, Sri Lanka Navy, Sri Lanka Ports Authority, etc., are legally designated to operate such a facility, but it is an area that is still very much in the grey. Security per se can mean many things and not necessarily defence in nature. For instance, will our water and electricity resources that are already stretched to the limit be able to cope with the demands of an entirely new, high-consumption city that is anticipated to be home to nearly 100,000 people? Can the rest of the Colombo District be assured of water security given that the available resources have been tapped to the maximum?   Under the 19th Amendment, a bill presented to Parliament required a minimum of two weeks’ notice, but this was reduced to just one week under the 20th Amendment to the Constitution. If that was not bad enough, the Colombo Port City Economic Commission Bill was presented to Parliament on the eve of the longest holiday period in the country – the New Year holidays – which meant that only one working day was available to challenge the provisions of the draft bill in the country’s Supreme Court. Whether such timing was by design or default, only time will tell. Yet, despite the time constraints, 19 petitions were filed in one day challenging various clauses of the draft bill with a few more joining the bandwagon through intervening petitions.  When the Speaker of the House announced the Supreme Court determination on the Bill in Parliament last week, it was apparent that 25 clauses out of a total of 75 were deemed to be ultra vires and in violation of the Constitution. The Supreme Court had determined that these clauses either required a special majority in Parliament, a referendum, or in some cases, both. It is to the credit of the 19 litigants that also comprised the main opposition parties that what seemed like a sell-out was averted at the eleventh hour. The Government’s decision to acquiesce in toto to the amendments proposed by the Supreme Court in lieu of a special majority, paid off in the end, as the final vote on the Bill could not muster a two-thirds majority in its favour.   Whatever its final outcome, the fact of the matter remains that the Cabinet of Ministers unanimously backed a bill where no less than one-third of its clauses were deemed to be inconsistent with the very same Constitution the lawmakers themselves have sworn to uphold. It no doubt calls into question, among others, the intellectual depth and capacity of those entrusted with guiding the destinies of this nation. It is the second time in as many years that the Supreme Court has had to come to the rescue of the country’s Constitution – the other instance being the ill-fated presidential coup in October 2018.  Be that as it may, there is the common misconception that national security is all about matters of defence. That, in reality, is not and should not be the case. For instance, in the current context, national security is all about health and medical security. Add to that, food security. It is all these aspects taken as a whole that nourish and sustain the notion of national security – a concept which is unfortunately beyond the grasp of the majority of present-day politicians.  As we have continuously stated in these columns in the past few weeks, closing the stable after the horse has bolted is bound to have its consequences and now, it is a matter of how ready the health authorities are to reap what has been sown. Even at this late stage we can only hope that the authorities lend an ear to the medical professionals who have been speaking in vain, State Minister Dr. Sudarshini Fernandopulle included.  Moving on to food security, the issues faced by farmers these days are simply unforgivable considering that thousands of people are struggling to have one square meal a day. It is in this backdrop that thousands of kilogrammes of fresh produce are being thrown into garbage dumps, as those in charge of economic centres have been unable to implement something as fundamentally simple as a communication system to inform farmers of when to bring in their produce and when not to, such as when a lockdown is in place. It is heart-wrenching to see the plight of farmers who usually end up pawning all they own to produce a decent harvest, only to see it rotting away on roadsides because of the lack of co-ordination between ministry officials. How more primitive can things get in this digital age? How does it augur for the nation’s food security? Despite billion-dollar mega projects such as port cities, this traditionally agriculture-based country still lacks something as basic as a cold storage facility to prevent farmers’ produce from going to waste. This home truth shows how detached politicians are from the ground reality. It is therefore no wonder that suicide rates among farmers have remained high for decades.  Adding to their collective misery is the fertiliser ban that came like a bolt from the blue. With no prior intimation of a ban, farmers have been caught off guard with the crops in their fields now at the mercy of the elements. The Government for its part has insisted that the ban is a policy decision based on its manifesto but the issue here is the absence of an alternative. Whatever the merits of the official pronouncements, the real reason for the sudden fertiliser import ban seems to be the foreign exchange crunch. This explains the absence of any mechanism to provide organic fertiliser, which is the recommended alternative. According to analysts, it would take years, if not decades, in order to locally produce the quantum of required organic fertiliser.  As at now, there is no budgetary allocation for such a project. Therefore, farmers will have no other option but to seek divine intervention to grow as well as protect their harvest from the elements. Farmer organisations have already warned of a serious drop in output, meaning a diminished harvest and a diminished income. The authorities have responded by stating that any deficit in income will be compensated by the Government. However, the same authorities are silent on how they intend to bridge the production deficit which could lead to a shortage of staples such as rice and vegetables. Will that not require importation of these items, meaning foreign exchange will have to be spent, defeating the very purpose of fertiliser imports being banned? There is much more to national security than what is usually projected.


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