- IMF notes importance of Chinese debt restructuring plan; authorities delay instructions
- PM explains counterproductive nature of some moves to expand tax network to IMF
- President and PM go all out to clear ‘misleading’ report on Japan holding assistance
- Govt. accuses CPC of delay in securing fuel, CPC says no to spot purchases, no supplies
- President sends letter, Premajayantha and former SL envoy Weerasinghe to visit Moscow
- 22A gazetted and to the House this week; concerns over failure to return to 19A status
- Namal discusses possibility of appointing Dinesh or GL as PM under a new SLPP govt.
- JVP says ready to lead and resolve crisis, asks all parties to unite for common cause
- Sajith to discuss common alliance with political parties; SLPP and UNP not included
- SLFP commences work on all-party govt. structure and common minimum programme
The growing frustrations of a public that has been dealt with blow after blow has resulted in the re-emergence of protests against President Gotabaya Rajapaksa with new vigour, despite the slight lull last month.
Ruling party MPs have also joined the chorus, calling on the President to step out along with his Prime Minister. MP Duminda Dissanayake last week claimed that President Rajapaksa’s rule had destroyed the country and its economy to an extent even the LTTE could not achieve.
The ongoing protests have included new slogans calling on Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe to also leave office as he has failed to deliver and provide relief to the people. The pendulum therefore seems to be swaying the other way for the Premier, who seems to be running out of time, with the people’s patience fast reaching its limit, while ruling and Opposition political parties continue to push for the ouster of both President Rajapaksa and Prime Minister Wickremesinghe.
Soon after the Government’s announcement of a semi-lockdown in the country, the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) immediately mobilised a series of protests against the Government, demanding its ouster. JVP Leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake also called on all political parties to unite to stand against the Government which had failed to provide relief to the people.
Soon after Dissanayake’s statement, the main Opposition Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) also got activated in order to take the leadership in forming a common Opposition alliance and to prevent the JVP from taking the lead in the process. As part of the campaign, SJB and Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa is to meet with Opposition party leaders this week as a first step to reach a consensus on a common alliance.
However, the SJB has also decided not to hold any discussions with the ruling Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) and the United National Party (UNP). Hence the planned discussions will be with 80 of the 82 registered political parties.
Amidst the worsening crisis situation in the country, the SLPP, SJB, Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP), and even the JVP are holding separate discussions on ousting the President and the Wickremesinghe Government. However, the replacements being discussed are quite different for each party.
The SLPP, it is learnt, is looking at once again taking the reins of the government by appointing a prime minister from its own fold. The SJB, SLFP, and JVP are looking at the formation of an all-party interim government, but neither party has reached any form of consensus on the matter with the other.
The SLPP’s plan to appoint its own premier and set up a new government was revealed during a recent discussion between SLPP MP Namal Rajapaksa and a senior leader of a ruling alliance party currently sitting independently in the Opposition. During the discussion, Namal had told the senior politician that it was time for an SLPP prime minister to be appointed and for a new government to be formed since Prime Minister Wickremesinghe had failed to provide solutions.
The senior MP had asked who Namal had in mind and had been informed that the new government could be formed under the leadership of Minister Dinesh Gunawardena or Minister Prof. G.L. Peiris. Namal had also asked whether the senior MP and his group would support such a move and had been informed by the MP that he would have to first discuss the matter with his group and other party leaders before making a comment. After the meeting with Namal, the senior MP had communicated the message to the other members of his group. However, no decision had been reached to back Namal’s request.
Meanwhile, SLPP National Organiser Basil Rajapaksa has continued to organise meetings with party members and has expressed confidence in the party regaining power. SLPP General Secretary Sagara Kariyawasam had also expressed confidence in the party’s ability to return to power while also blaming alliance partners – who are currently functioning independently in Parliament – for the current situation in the country.
SJB’s Premadasa meanwhile is to meet with Opposition parliamentarians, as well as continue to meet representatives of all sectors in the country, pointing out the failures of the incumbent Government while expressing his willingness to take charge of the government and resolve the crisis.
The SLFP, meanwhile, continues to push for an all-party interim government, stating that the party is prepared to give leadership to such a move. The JVP has also expressed preparedness to give leadership to the country and resolve the crisis in six months. However, none of these parties have presented a viable economic recovery plan. The SLPP is, in fact, at a disadvantage at this point given that the country was pushed into the current crisis under its watch and its failure to take the required action at the appropriate time.
While the country’s political parties continue to fail the nation, Sri Lanka seems to be slipping fast into a crisis similar to what Greece faced not too long ago.
Sri Lanka reaching hyperinflation levels was also highlighted in the international media. “Sri Lanka’s consumer prices continued their record ascent in June, with the headline rate breaching hyperinflation levels on a persistent shortage of essentials from food to fuel due to the country’s depleted foreign exchange reserves,” Bloomberg reported last week.
“Official data on Thursday showed consumer prices in capital Colombo rose 54.6% from a year earlier, beating predictions for a 43.7% gain in a Bloomberg survey of economists. That pushes the key price gauge past the 50% level that most economists commonly use to define hyperinflation,” the report added.
The Greek crisis also resulted in drastic economic policy actions, while on the political front, the country witnessed five changes of government between 2009 and 2015.
With discussions in the ruling SLPP on a change of government and Opposition parties also pushing for such a change, Sri Lanka is also likely to witness several power changes similar to Greece.
No recovery plan yet
The delay in presenting an economic recovery plan continues to draw much criticism towards Prime Minister Wickremesinghe as he closes in on completing two months in office. An economic recovery plan will also play a key role in finalising the country’s debt restructuring plan. A delay therefore will have a compounding impact on overall economic activities.
With the country’s economy inching towards a collapse and the Prime Minister explaining to media heads last week that the current economic conditions would make it impossible to print more money next year due to inflationary pressures, there’s much focus on the Government’s economic recovery plan.
Meanwhile, sources within the Prime Minister’s Office have stated that the Prime Minister’s economic recovery plan is being drafted in consultation with the debt restructuring advisors, Lazard and Clifford Chance.
Nevertheless, Sri Lanka’s debt restructuring programme could hit a stumbling block due to the legal action being pursued by one of the key International Sovereign Bond (ISB) holders, Hamilton Reserve Bank Ltd. The bank holds a stake of more than 25% of the aggregate principal amount of the ISBs due on 25 July and the Collective Action Clauses of the bond have noted that a supermajority of 75% is required in order to restructure the bond. Therefore, the actions of the Hamilton Reserve Bank will be key in finalising the restructuring of the ISBs.
Hamilton Reserve Bank has demanded that Sri Lanka immediately pay all principal and accrued interest on the bonds that are currently due and payable to it, in the amount of the principal of $ 250,190,000, and accrued interest (which continues to accrue daily and will amount to $ 7,349,331.25 as of 25 July 2022), together with any interest thereon.
The Justice Ministry last week appointed a team of officials to deal with the lawsuit filed by the Hamilton Reserve Bank.
Furthermore, the finalisation of the Government’s economic recovery plan, it is learnt, is also dependent on the decisions taken during the staff-level meeting with the International Monetary Fund (IMF). These meetings concluded on Thursday (30 June), with the IMF issuing a press release. The IMF stated that talks had progressed satisfactorily and it would continue virtual discussions with the aim of “reaching a staff-level agreement on the EFF (Extended Fund Facility) in the near term”. However, reading between the lines in the IMF message, it seems like the Fund will take a little more time than initially anticipated by the Sri Lankan authorities.
IMF concludes meetings
The IMF team that was in Colombo met with Prime Minister Wickremesinghe on Monday (27 June) for another round of meetings.
During the meeting, the IMF team had expressed concerns over the delay in reaching an agreement with China on debt restructuring. The IMF has maintained that China’s agreement on debt restructuring was important since it would help Sri Lanka’s overall debt rescheduling programme.
The IMF team had also discussed some of its observations and proposals during the meeting. Some of the proposals put forward by the IMF team had been turned down by Prime Minister Wickremesinghe, who had pointed out that the people would not be able to bear them given the crisis situation in the country.
One of the main proposals that had drawn the Prime Minister’s attention was increasing the country’s tax revenue by further reducing the taxable income threshold to a level that would cover a majority of low income earners. The IMF team had noted the need to include those earning Rs. 40,000 per month into the tax net. Wickremesinghe, it is learnt, immediately expressed concern, saying it could not be done as it would further increase the socio-economic crisis faced by the people.
The Premier had also explained that it would be counterproductive to look at increasing tax revenue by burdening a majority of the low income earners as the Government would have to increase the social welfare coverage, thereby increasing public expenditure. He had added that increasing the tax burden would also increase the level of corruption in the country.
Prime Minister Wickremesinghe had therefore called on the IMF team to also look at the practical side of implementing proposals amidst a time of crisis. He underscored the importance of introducing proposals that would not be counterproductive once implemented.
Meanwhile, the US State Department and Treasury officials who were in Sri Lanka last week had also informed Prime Minister Wickremesinghe of their desire to meet with the IMF team that was in Sri Lanka. It is learnt that the US Government delegation had met with the IMF delegation on Tuesday (28 June).
The IMF team on Wednesday (29 June) met with the SJB Leader, SLFP Leader and former President Maithripala Sirisena, and a group of SLFP seniors as well.
The IMF team concluded its consultations with Sri Lanka on Thursday.
Chinese discussions delayed
After months of waiting, China last month stated that it was ready to discuss debt restructuring with Sri Lanka. Accordingly, China stated that Chinese financial institutions were prepared to commence discussions on the restructuring programme and the Sri Lankan Government had been asked to begin discussions with the EXIM Bank of China.
However, discussions with the Chinese institutions faced delays in getting off the ground, with the Finance Ministry holding back. It is learnt that the Finance Ministry officials have expressed a hesitance to commence discussions with the Chinese institutions, saying it should be handled by the international legal and financial advisors appointed by the Sri Lankan Government.
The international advisors meanwhile have commenced negotiating the rescheduling of ISBs and other bilateral debt. Hence, the Finance Ministry officials have been directed to initiate the discussions with the Chinese financial institutions as a first step since the international advisors could enter the process afterwards.
However, by mid last week, the Finance Ministry had finally issued the required directions to local banks to commence discussions with the Chinese financial institutions on the debt restructuring programme.
Japan in the spotlight
Meanwhile, Japan was in the spotlight last week over a news item which stated that the country had decided not to assist Sri Lanka at the present time.
The news report resulted in an official inquiry about the story being sent to the Japanese Embassy in Colombo from the Prime Minister’s Office, which received an immediate denial from the Embassy stating that the Japanese envoy had not made any such comment.
The comment, alleged to have been made by the Japanese envoy, had reportedly been communicated to a group of Tamil National Alliance (TNA) members during a recent meeting in the north. The report had stated that the Japanese Ambassador had told the TNA representatives that the Japanese Government was not confident of Sri Lankan political stability and would not be providing the country with any financial support. The report had further stated that Sri Lanka’s relations with Japan had been strained for several years following the former Government’s decision to cancel both the East Container Terminal project and the Light Rail Transit project with no prior warning to the Japanese Government.
With the news article gaining much traction, both the President’s and Prime Minister’s Offices went into overdrive seeking a clarification. The President met the Japanese Ambassador last Friday morning in an attempt to ascertain what Japan’s stance was towards the country while Prime Minister Wickremesinghe’s office also made inquiries from the Japanese Embassy on the authenticity of the article. Both the President and Prime Minister had been assured by the Japanese that the article was in fact a fake news story.
The rapid response by the President and Prime Minister demonstrated the importance that has once again been given to Sri Lanka-Japan bilateral relations, which were strained during the previous Mahinda Rajapaksa administration.
Japan’s Deputy Ambassador Kotaro Katsuki, responding to the email sent by the Prime Minister’s Secretary, stated: “This is to inform you that the article of which you have kindly provided the link has no grounds whatsoever and our Ambassador would never say such a thing.”
TNA Spokesperson MP M.A. Sumanthiran PC also issued a clarification on Friday night, tweeting: “The Amb did not say that Japan will not help SL. In fact he categorically said that Japan’s help will come after the IMF programme is put in place. TNA leaders who spoke to the press after the mtg communicated exactly what the Amb told them: that Japan’s help will come after the IMF programme is in place.”
Yahapalana returns
Amidst the multiple crises faced by the country, President Rajapaksa and Prime Minister Wickremesinghe continue to conduct governance and administrative work in an isolated manner.
The President continues to hold meetings on his own with Government officials without the Prime Minister, while also issuing separate directives. This was witnessed once again last week when the President convened a meeting with the country’s energy sector, Finance Ministry, and Central Bank officials, which also included the local fuel suppliers.
During the meeting, the fuel suppliers had noted that there were payments amounting to millions of US Dollars due to suppliers over the last few months. They had added that the monies were in fact due to banks. President Rajapaksa had questioned the reason for non-payment of dues.
Central Bank of Sri Lanka (CBSL) Governor Dr. Nandalal Weerasinghe had explained that the lack of foreign reserves was the reason for the delay in making payments. He had also noted that the bank was only able to make payments in rupees and not dollars. The President had then asked the CBSL Governor to ensure that monies were sourced for fuel purchases immediately.
Prime Minister Wickremesinghe, who is also the Finance Minister, was a notable absentee at the meeting. The Finance Minister’s participation at the meeting with the energy sector is all the more important given the crisis situation in the country’s power and energy sector. Furthermore, this was not the first such meeting convened by the President to discuss and make decisions on key issues faced by the country.
The actions of the President are an indication of a return to the setting of the former Yahapalana Government, with which the country has already had bitter experiences. The divisions in the political structure and now the governance structure certainly won’t bode well for a country that is grappling to find ways out of the crisis.
Fuel crisis
Power and Energy Minister Kanchana Wijesekera left for Qatar on Monday (27 June), as Sri Lanka faced its most severe fuel shortage of the year so far.
The country’s public transport has become a nightmare, while many economic activities have ground to a halt with the crisis reaching its peak. Despite initiating dialogues with many countries, Sri Lanka is yet to receive a positive response on receiving fuel supplies.
“Qatar’s Emir Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani has extended an invitation to President Gotabaya Rajapaksa for a delegation from Sri Lanka. We hope to discuss many issues, including fuel and migrant workers. The Board of Investment will also join us,” Wijesekera told the media last week.
He also noted that Kuwait had responded positively to Sri Lanka and that discussions were ongoing with other countries as well, so further travels would happen “when necessary”.
Accordingly, when Wijesekera left for Qatar on Monday morning, Environment Minister Naseer Ahamed also accompanied Wijesekera in the visit to Qatar.
Ahamed, who is a graduate of the King Fahad University in Saudi Arabia, is believed to have the necessary connections in the Middle East to open a direct line of communication with the Energy Resources Minister of Saudi Arabia to seek assistance on behalf of Sri Lanka.
It is learnt that following the discussions in Qatar, Ahamed is to commence discussions with the Saudi officials to explore the possibility of reaching an agreement on receiving fuel supplies for Sri Lanka directly from Saudi Arabia. Accordingly, Ahamed left for Saudi Arabia yesterday (2) as a special envoy of President Rajapaksa to initiate a discussion with the Saudi Government to explore the possibilities of securing Sri Lanka’s fuel requirement from Saudi Arabia.
Meanwhile, Wijesekera’s Qatar visit was also in the spotlight in Sri Lanka for another reason. This time around, it was the Minister’s meeting with the Qatar Fund for Development and Qatar Charity.
The Qatar Charity fund has been under scrutiny for a while over allegations that some funds disbursed by the respective fund had been used for alleged terrorist activities.
“Met the officials of the Qatar Charity yesterday. Conveyed the message that the Defence Ministry has informed the Attorney General its decision to lift the ban on the fund which was imposed in 2019. Discussed the Charity’s work in SL and globally,” Wijesekera tweeted after the meeting, along with a photograph taken with Qatar Charity heads.
Onus on CPC
Sri Lanka currently has around $ 1 billion dues to settle for fuel procurements, with delayed payments for Letters of Credit (LCs) amounting to $ 326 million (State banks) and $ 242 million (other banks).
While the country grapples with the fuel crisis, it has emerged that the biggest obstacle to procuring the necessary fuel stock has come from the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation (CPC) management, according to highly-placed Government sources.
As of last Thursday the Finance Ministry had been able to secure the necessary funds, both US Dollars and rupees, required to place the order for the fuel. However, it is learnt that there are now delays emanating from the CPC side.
According to sources, the attendees of the meeting on the energy sector convened by President Rajapaksa last week had informed him that the Prime Minister in his capacity as Finance Minister had set aside the necessary funds required to order sufficient fuel stocks for assistance in alleviating the crisis. It had then been brought to the attention of the CPC officials that several companies had in fact presented proposals for the supply of fuel.
Despite the urgency of the matter, with the Government being forced to halt the sale of fuel to non-essential sectors, the CPC management, it is learnt, had informed the meeting that the price quoted for the supply of fuel had been too high.
“The management had then been informed that the companies offering the fuel had stated that alongside the rising global price of fuel due to a shortage in supply, the CPC’s mismanagement had resulted in a ‘risk premium’ being added on top of the quoted price. This additional fee has been levied against the company’s orders by reputed suppliers due to the company’s history of failure to make payments and delays in unloading shipments. Accordingly, in the event that the fuel shipment is paid for on time by the CPC and unloaded without any delays, this additional payment will be refunded to the company,” a senior Government source explained.
However, to date the CPC management has refused to consider these more expensive options, stating that it would source cheaper fuel. The CPC has thus far been unable to source cheaper fuel, creating doubts over when the country will receive its next fuel shipment.
It does warrant mention that the previous fuel shipment which had been scheduled for 24 June had been in fact provided at a cost lower than market price. However, the company that had offered this shipment had failed to provide a ‘performance guarantee’ and the shipment never materialised despite the necessary LCs being opened, it is learnt.
Although high cost spot purchases are not the ideal option at the moment, there needs to be a serious dialogue before a decision is made on the option left for Sri Lanka in a scenario where the country has almost come to halt due to the shortage of fuel and the CPC’s failure to secure any agreements with old suppliers or international donors for cheaper fuel.
While the country struggles with a lack of fuel, on Thursday (30 June) news broke that State-owned Litro Gas had procured 100,000 MT worth of LPG. This quantity is expected to provide over seven million gas cylinders and last the country for four months.
This shipment had been procured via a tripartite agreement between the Oman State-owned company Oman Trading, Litro Gas, and the World Bank. Accordingly the total value of the tender had been $ 90 million, with the World Bank providing $ 70 million and the remaining $ 20 million being sourced from Litro Gas.
Although the only achievement of the Wickremesinghe Government so far is the procuring of LPG shipments to address the LPG shortage, the deal has been mired in controversy, with Opposition political parties alleging that it was a corrupt transaction.
However, the Prime Minister informed media heads last week that he had called on the parliamentary Committee on Public Enterprises (COPE) to probe the alleged irregularities in the LPG procurement.
Govt.’s Russian ruse
Meanwhile, the Government continues to face pressure from certain sections in the Opposition as well as from within the Government to initiate a dialogue with Russia to gain access to fuel and fertiliser at cheaper rates.
The group of 10 (G-10) ruling alliance partners led by MPs Wimal Weerawansa, Udaya Gammanpila, and Vasudeva Nanayakkara are in the forefront of the campaign to seek Russian assistance. Several members within the Government have also started questioning why Sri Lanka has not officially approached Russia for assistance. The pro-Russia members have noted that even neighbouring India had managed to reach an agreement with Russia for cheaper fuel and Sri Lanka should also follow suit.
However, Prime Minister Wickremesinghe is of the belief that moving towards Russia could have an impact on reaching an agreement with the IMF, which the Government believes would help Sri Lanka secure the much-needed bridge financing.
It is in such a backdrop that President Rajapaksa decided to meet with Russian Ambassador to Sri Lanka Yuri Materiy to discuss Sri Lanka’s ongoing crisis and the possibility of seeking assistance from Russia. The President had requested the Russian envoy to explore the possibility for Sri Lanka to procure fuel and fertiliser at cheaper rates. The envoy had agreed to look at how Russia could assist Sri Lanka while also noting that the President should also initiate a discussion with the Russian President.
Power and Energy Minister Wijesekera told the media last week that two Government ministers would be travelling to Russia on Monday (27 June) to discuss fuel procurements. Nevertheless, it later transpired that there was no such ministerial delegation due to leave for Russia on the day Wijesekera mentioned.
Initially, there were doubts on whether the Government had officially decided to send two representatives to Russia to discuss fuel supplies. The Russians, however, had by then indicated to the Government that President Rajapaksa should first speak to the Russian President and send a high-level delegation to Moscow for discussions afterwards.
However, there were several reports quoting Government sources that President Rajapaksa had communicated with the Russian President. Upon inquiry, it was later revealed that such a telephone conversation had not taken place between the two leaders. The Russian Embassy in Colombo also seemed unaware of such a communication.
Meanwhile, instead of a high-level delegation, which was the impression given early last week, it was later learnt that Education Minister Susil Premajayantha and Sri Lanka’s former Ambassador to Russia Dr. Saman Weerasinghe were the persons tipped to travel to Moscow for discussions.
It was also learnt that Premajayantha had invited Weerasinghe to accompany him on his visit to Russia since he (Weerasinghe) had close ties with Russian officials.
The President’s Office at this point had sent a letter to the Russian Embassy in Colombo informing that Premajayantha, who is also the President of the Sri Lanka-Russia Friendship Association, and Weerasinghe, who has a good rapport with the Russian authorities, would visit Moscow to initiate a discussion on seeking assistance for Sri Lanka.
After receiving the letter from the President’s Office, the Russian Embassy had commenced the initial paperwork required for the Sri Lankan delegation’s visit to Moscow. Last week the embassy had sent the required TPN documents to the Russian Foreign Ministry to coordinate and fix the meetings with the relevant Russian officials. The visit to Russia is expected to take place after Premajayantha, who was in Paris attending a UNESCO summit, returned to the country on Friday (1).
However, another section of the Government feels that Russian assistance will not be forthcoming to meet the ongoing crisis. The argument is that Russia will stop its fuel, wheat, LPG, and fertiliser imports to create a shortage in the world market, pushing price increases, and then to negotiate on lifting certain sanctions imposed on Russia to release its stocks to the market.
On the Russian side, Moscow is closely monitoring the ongoing case related to the Aeroflot controversy. The Attorney General last week filed a motion on behalf of Airport and Aviation Services Ltd. before the Colombo Commercial High Court requesting the dismissal of the case filed against Russia’s Aeroflot.
The Russian airline had also sought the earliest possible date for the matter to be taken up for inquiry since Aeroflot has suspended flights to Sri Lanka due to the case.
Judge Harsha Sethunge has fixed the case for Tuesday (5).
22A gazetted
Amidst the worsening economic crisis, the Government continues to move at a snail’s pace with the proposed 22nd Amendment to the Constitution. The Cabinet of Ministers last Monday finally approved the piece of legislation after weeks of delays and agreed to gazette it and present it to Parliament.
The draft bill had all the amendments presented by President Rajapaksa and the ruling Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) to ensure that the party’s support would help its passage in Parliament.
Soon after news broke of the 22nd Amendment receiving Cabinet approval to be gazetted and presented to Parliament, the main Opposition SJB stated that the proposed piece of legislation had not taken away powers vested with the Executive Presidency due to the provisos that had been included in several clauses enabling President Rajapaksa to use certain powers during his presidency that would be repealed only after his term ended.
However, the SJB initiated a discussion on the party’s official stance on the draft 22nd Amendment and the actions based on it. There was an initial split last week, with some members in the SJB saying the party should express concerns over the contentious clauses and push for amendment during the committee stage, while others opined that the party should oppose the draft bill. Another group opted to take the middle path and remain neutral by saying that the party could abstain from voting when a vote was taken in Parliament.
The TNA is also to make a final decision on the party’s stance on the 22nd Amendment.
However, the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) last week noted that the Bill did not curtail the powers of the President, nor introduce checks and balances in any meaningful manner, contrary to the demands of the people of Sri Lanka. In the absence of any genuine attempt to address the inherent problems of governance, this attempt at reform will only worsen the existing political and economic crisis and destroy whatever little remaining faith citizens might have in constitutional governance.
It was also observed that the Bill did not revert the Constitution to the structure of government that prevailed under the 19th Amendment (2015-’19). The Minister of Justice had proposed two previous versions of this Bill (one as a Private Member’s Bill). The present gazetted Bill represents a significant weakening of the previous limited proposals by the Minister of Justice and leaves intact the unchecked powers of the Executive President.
“The proposed composition of the Council favours the government and enables the government to control or influence seven of the 10 members. Thus, it is CPA’s view that the Council is merely an expanded version of the Parliamentary Council that exists under the 20th Amendment.”
The SLFP also expressed concerns over the proposed 22nd Amendment Bill, stating that it did not reflect a return to the status quo of the 19th Amendment.
SLFP Leader Sirisena said that the proposed piece of legislation did not contain the important clauses in the 19th Amendment that had been implemented during his tenure in office.
He told the media that the SLFP had initially announced its fullest support to the proposed constitutional amendment, but what has now been presented was quite different from what was initially stated by the Government. “The current piece of legislation is completely different from the 19th Amendment presented during my time,” Sirisena said.
Chief Prelates concerned
The Chief Prelates of the four main Buddhist Chapters last week wrote a 10-point letter to President Rajapaksa calling for the immediate implementation of the proposed 22nd Amendment as well as to form a ‘genuine’ all-party government.
The Chief Prelates also blamed the President for playing party politics amidst a crisis and called for proper solutions to be found for the economic crisis.
Among the proposals in the letter is to form an all-party government for a period of six months to find urgent solutions to the crisis faced by the country and the people and to look at extending the term to around 12-18 months only if this all-party government was able to provide relief to the public.
Another proposal was to appoint a person who is well-respected by all parties and internationally to Parliament through the National List and appoint the person to lead the all-party government if the party leaders of such a government were unable to agree on a leader from amongst themselves.
Forming an alliance
A meeting between Opposition parliamentarians and a group of members from the ‘Aragalaya’ protest campaign took place on Wednesday (29 June) at the Janaki Hotel in Colombo as a first step towards reaching a consensus and working on a common minimum programme to achieve the goals set out to resolve the ongoing crisis.
The meeting was organised by the all-party Aragalaya members, and the Galle Face Aragalaya representatives were also invited for the discussions.
The political party representatives who attended the meeting agreed to assist the Aragalaya in its campaign to oust President Rajapaksa and the Government. An agreement was reached to formulate a broader plan to achieve this goal at the next round of discussions.
It was agreed by all parties at Wednesday’s meeting that political parties that were unable to attend that meeting should also be included in the future programme.
MPs Dr. Rajitha Senaratne, Tissa Attanayake, Dayasiri Jayasekara, M.A. Sumanthiran PC, Mano Ganesan, V. Radhakrishnan, Patali Champika Ranawaka, Rishad Bathiudeen, Anura Yapa, Chandima Weerakkody, and several others attended the meeting.
SLFP plan
The SLFP meanwhile on Tuesday (28 June) held a workshop to draw a plan for the party’s political path during the crisis and to provide leadership. The meeting was initially planned to be held at the party headquarters on Tuesday, but it had to be changed to an online session due to the fuel crisis and difficulties faced by the SLFP members to physically attend the meeting. The online meeting commenced at 9.30 a.m.
During the discussion, the party members had discussed how best the party could structure a practical framework for an all-party interim government and prepare a common minimum programme in consultation with civil society.
A decision had been made to assign several party seniors to draft the programme to be shared among the group.