• Repealing dual citizenship clause with proviso to apply on current MPs deters BR
• GR stands firm on Dhammika’s appointment, says no to Renuka despite SLPP push
• Pro-Basil group unable to gather 75 MPs to block 21A passage; only 47 MPs so far
• Basil questions GL’s submitted proposals on 21A, says not SLPP’s stance
• Dhammika’s eligibility to enter Parliament questioned; National List criteria noted
• SLFP split widens over party role amidst crisis; Duminda pushes for fresh outlook
• RW reveals Rajapaksa role in soured relations with longtime allies India and Japan
• PB, Cabraal, Attygalle and Lakshman summoned before Committee on Public Finance
• Attygalle blames Covid, tax concessions, and import restrictions for economic crisis
• Governor Weerasinghe takes a swipe at all, says officials should not engage in politics

The ongoing political chaos amidst the economic crisis continues to test Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and his Government, with the Premier fighting battles on many fronts. Wickremesinghe’s biggest challenge is balancing President Gotabaya Rajapaksa – who is now increasing his engagement in governance – while also trying to keep the ruling party at bay and address the criticism levelled by detractors in the Opposition. It is evident that Wickremesinghe’s predicament is unenviable, but he was well aware of the risks and challenges he was bound to face when engaging with the incumbent Executive, who has now announced that he will only leave office after completing his term. While trying to resolve the economic crisis, Prime Minister Wickremesinghe is also faced with difficulties in moving ahead with the 21st Amendment to the Constitution, promised by him as a compromise to address the urgent need for political reforms. After two rounds of party leaders’ meetings, the 21st Amendment being taken up for final discussion and decision at the Cabinet has faced a delay of several weeks. Justice Minister Dr. Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe has vowed to take the piece of legislation for discussion at the Monday (13) Cabinet meeting, stating that there is no necessity for it to be delayed any longer. Although Prime Minister Wickremesinghe earlier believed that the Government’s 21st Amendment should be held back until the Supreme Court determination on the main opposition Samagi Jana Balawegaya’s (SJB) 21st Amendment was known, in order to include positive features of the legislation in the Government’s draft amendment bill, Rajapakshe noted that the Supreme Court determination on the SJB bill once announced could be used as a guideline and that there was no need for any further delays. The Supreme Court is expected to finalise its determination on Wednesday (15), which will then be sent to the Speaker of Parliament, who will announce it to the House on the next meeting date – 21 June. Be that as it may, the repercussions of the Government’s 21st Amendment have so far resulted in a split in the ruling party and the resignation of a senior party member – Basil Rajapaksa. It is interesting to note that the number ‘9’ has become a significant number for members of the Rajapaksa family due to the string of incidents that has taken place on the ninth of every month. The ill effects of the number ‘9’ for the Rajapaksa family started on 9 April when the ‘Go Home Gota’ protest campaign was launched. Next, on 9 May, former Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa (MR) tendered his resignation after instigating attacks on peaceful protesters, which resulted in mayhem that lasted for over 24 hours. The next significant incident on the ninth was when ruling Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) founder, former Minister Basil Rajapaksa, tendered his resignation from Parliament on Thursday, 9 June. Basil’s exit However, Basil’s exit from Parliament and the role of his supporters in the ruling party will play a decisive role in President Rajapaksa’s power base in Parliament. Basil’s exit path was accelerated by several reasons and key among them was President Rajapaksa’s support to repeal the dual citizenship clause through the 21st Amendment as well as his agreement to the proviso that the repeal of the dual citizenship clause would apply to sitting members of the incumbent Parliament. Efforts by the pro-Basil group in the SLPP, it is learnt, had failed to galvanise the required support of 75 MPs in Parliament for the proposed 21st Amendment to be defeated in the House. According to SLPP sources, the pro-Basil group had, by last week, only managed to secure the support of around 47 MPs. Realising that the 21st Amendment had a good chance of being passed in Parliament along with the repeal of the dual citizenship clause and that it would affect the sitting MPs, Basil had decided it was best for him to step down now. However, prior to his departure from Parliament, Basil had proposed three names for the President to pick the candidate of his choice to fill the vacancy created by his resignations. The three names were Renuka Perera (SLPP Administrative Secretary), Siripala Amerasinghe, and Willie Gamage. Basil’s first choice to fill the National List vacancy was Renuka. Basil had already conveyed to SLPP Leader and former Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa that Renuka should be the person to fill the vacancy created by his resignation. MR had given his consent to Basil’s choice, saying that he now needed to convince the President as well. However, President Rajapaksa had responded that appointments for the three individuals named by Basil could be looked at on a later occasion as the immediate focus should be on getting US Dollar inflows to the country. Therefore the President had noted that the person to fill the vacancy should be businessman Dhammika Perera – the man with a plan (according to the President). President Rajapaksa had reiterated that Perera had many ideas to resolve the economic crisis as well as bring US Dollar inflows to the country. Several pro-Basil members of the SLPP had also tried to convey messages to the President, saying he should consider the appointment of one of Basil’s nominees to fill the SLPP’s vacant National List slot. However, President Rajapaksa had been resolute in his decision that Perera should be sent to Parliament and given a key portfolio in the Government to help the economic revival. Perera’s name was accepted by the Elections Commission and gazetted last Friday (10). It is learnt that Perera had been initially looking at the Finance portfolio since his main aim was economic revival. Since Prime Minister Wickremesinghe held the portfolio, the President had instead offered Perera the portfolio of Investment Promotions, since his main task was to bring US Dollar inflows to the country. It is also learnt that appointing Perera as a Cabinet Minister without a portfolio – paving the path for Perera to intervene in the functions of other ministries – had also been explored. Prior to handing over his resignation letter to the Secretary General of Parliament, Basil had met a group of his loyalists at the SLPP Head Office in Battaramulla last Wednesday (8). During the discussion he had explained his decision to resign from the parliamentary seat. However, he had noted that he would continue with the party reforms programme. It is learnt that Basil had made an emotional speech at the meeting, where he had expressed his disappointment at some of his family members. He had claimed that he had played the role of kingmaker by bringing former Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa into power twice and making the SLPP a victorious party that assumed office less than five years after its inauguration. “A lot of people today have forgotten what I did and the sacrifices I made. That’s okay, I will continue to build the party. We can rebuild and I’m confident that we will be able to regain power in 2024,” Basil had said to boost the morale of his loyalists, who were visibly upset by his decision. Dhammika’s entrance Nevertheless, by last Thursday (9) evening there were doubts over Perera’s entrance to Parliament, with a group of SLPP MPs calling for Renuka’s appointment through the vacant National List slot. They had even brought up a legal issue that could affect Perera’s appointment to Parliament, pointing out that an appointment to the National List could only be made if the respective individual’s name was in the list of National List members of the party, the individual had either contested the election and failed to get elected, or the individual had previously represented Parliament. Since Perera does not fall within any of the three categories, SLPPers had noted that he could not be appointed to Parliament. They had cited that Article 99(A) of the Constitution was clear on this matter. Another fact brought forward had been that Perera’s entrance to Parliament and appointment as a minister who would engage in the country’s economic sector would result in a conflict of interest since his companies were engaged in businesses with the Government. The SLPPers had cited constitutional clauses that prohibited members of boards of directors of private companies that engage in businesses with the Government from holding positions in the Government. However, Perera last Friday (10) resigned from board memberships of all his companies and sent his consent letter to accept the National List slot of the SLPP. He last week also took membership of the SLPP in preparation to enter Parliament. Amidst the arguments within the SLPP over Perera’s appointment to Parliament, a gazette was issued by President Rajapaksa last Thursday night announcing the formation of two new Cabinet portfolios – Ministry of Technology and Investment Promotion and Ministry of Child Affairs and Social Empowerment. It was clear that the Ministry of Technology and Investment Promotion was created for Perera since President Rajapaksa had assigned a large number of functions, departments, and institutions that were earlier vested under him to the newly-formed ministry. Institutions vested under the new ministry were the Departments of Registration of Persons and Immigration and Emigration, Telecommunications Regulatory Commission (TRC), Sri Lanka Telecom and its subsidiaries, Colombo Port City Economic Commission, Colombo Lotus Tower Management Company, and many others. Questioning eligibility However, questions are being continuously raised on Perera’s eligibility to be appointed to Parliament. It is learnt that the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) had even filed a case before the Supreme Court during the tenure of Chief Justice Sarath N. Silva when appointments outside the accepted criteria were made to Parliament through the National Lists of the former United People’s Freedom Alliance (UPFA). However, there was no substantive order given with reasons for not granting leave to proceed with the case. Appointments similar to Perera’s were witnessed when former Ministers Ratnasiri Wickremanayake, Basil Rajapaksa, Chamipka Ranawaka, and Saman Ratnapriya were appointed to Parliament through National Lists when their names were not originally included in said lists. Soon after Perera’s resignation from his companies and acceptance of the SLPP’s National List slot, the CPA issued a statement noting that it had raised concerns when such appointments were made previously, including by challenging several such appointments in Court. In 2016, the CPA had filed a case challenging the National List appointment of Sarath Fonseka by the United National Party (UNP). The Supreme Court had however refused to grant leave to proceed, but a substantive order with reasons was also not issued. “The UNP and United People’s Freedom Alliance/People’s Alliance have on previous occasions made similar appointments to Parliament. These political parties hide behind Section 64 (5) of the Parliament Elections Act No. 1 of 1981, which authorises them to appoint ‘any member’ of the political party to fill such a vacancy,” the CPA noted. It further stated that said provision of the Parliament Elections Act violated the clear and unambiguous provisions of the Constitution, particularly Article 99A and Article 101(H). “Section 64 (5), although clearly unconstitutional, remains valid only because the Sri Lankan Constitution does not allow the Supreme Court to review the constitutionality of legislation once passed by Parliament,” the CPA added. Allowing political parties to appoint whomever they wish to fill vacancies engineered for that same purpose undermines the value of the franchise of the people and unnecessarily and arbitrarily inflates the power of the leadership of political parties. The clashes Meanwhile, the cold war that is brewing between the Prime Minister and Central Bank of Sri Lanka (CBSL) Governor Dr. Nandalal Weerasinghe has received wide media attention recently, resulting in the CBSL posting on social media that there was no such clash between the Prime Minister and the Governor. The Black Box last week reported on Prime Minister Wickremesinghe’s intention to replace Weerasinghe as the CBSL Governor when his term comes up for renewal at the end of this month. According to the existing laws, the President requires the Prime Minister’s written recommendation on the candidate for the post of CBSL governor prior to the appointment. Prime Minister Wickremesinghe will therefore have to recommend a name for the post of CBSL governor. Nevertheless, President Rajapksa last month assured Weerasinghe that the CBSL would be allowed to operate without any political interference. The clash started with the CBSL Governor reportedly pushing for the Finance portfolio to be vested with another individual and not Wickremesinghe. However, following several rounds of discussions, Prime Minister Wickremesinghe was appointed as the Finance Minister. However, some Government members supportive of the CBSL Governor have stated that the clash between Wickremesinghe and Weerasinghe goes back as far as 2015, noting that Wickremesinghe was gunning for Weerasinghe now due to the latter’s statements on the probe into the controversial Treasury bond scam during the previous Yahapalana Government. The contradictions between the Premier and the CBSL Governor were also witnessed last week during the ruling party parliamentary group, when Weerasinghe noted that the US Dollar would be brought down to around Rs. 300 in three months, while Wickremesinghe had earlier stated that the US Dollar rate could increase up to Rs. 450 due to the current economic conditions. The other clash witnessed recently was between the President and Prime Minister. This time around, it was a circular sent by President’s Secretary Gamini Senarath to all ministry secretaries that resulted in Cabinet ministers expressing their displeasure. The circular had noted that changes to heads of State institutions – including their boards of directors – could not be carried out without the knowledge and approval of the Presidential Secretariat. It is learnt that the President had expressed his displeasure at ministers making appointments to State institutions according to their whims. Several Cabinet ministers – including Ministers Harin Fernando, Manusha Nanayakkara, Dr. Bandula Gunawardena, and Keheliya Rambukwella – had already made several appointments to institutions under them by the time Senarath issued the circular. Several Cabinet ministers had pointed out that a majority of the State institutions were being headed by individuals who were appointed by the previous Government and prior to Prime Minister Wickremesinghe taking over the challenge to resolve the ongoing economic crisis. The argument was that the economic crisis could not be resolved with the same officials who were initially responsible for the failed decisions that had caused the ongoing crisis. Sins of the Rajapaksa Govt. Amidst the reigning chaos, the state of the economy continues to be perilous. During his special statement to Parliament last Tuesday (7), Prime Minister Wickremesinghe drew the attention to Sri Lanka’s soured relations with longtime allies India and Japan through the arbitrary actions of the Government headed by President Rajapaksa and Prime Minister Rajapaksa. “India, China, and Japan are leading the list of countries that provide us with loans and assistance. Relations with these countries, which have always been strong, are now broken. Those relationships need to be rebuilt,” he said. “Japan is our long-time friend, a nation that has helped our country greatly, but is now unhappy with us due to the unfortunate events of the past. Our country had failed to formally notify Japan of the suspension of certain projects. Sometimes the reasons for these suspensions were not even stated. According to reports submitted by an individual, some projects undertaken by Japan in our country have been halted midway,” the Prime Minister noted. Wickremesinghe further noted that Japan and India had agreed to supply Sri Lanka with two LNG power plants and that the CEB had stopped the two projects without any justifiable reason. “Japan had agreed to provide about $ 3 billion worth of projects to our country by 2019. All of these projects were put on hold for no reason,” he added. The Prime Minister also urged the Parliamentary Committee on Public Finance (COPF) to conduct an inquiry into the suspension of such valuable projects granted to Sri Lanka by the country’s longtime allies for unstated reasons. “Despite alienating these friendly nations, India offered to help us in the face of the growing crisis. We express our respect and gratitude to them during this difficult time. We are also working to re-establish old friendships with Japan,” the Prime Minister added. However, there have been reports that the cancellation of the billion-dollar Light Rail Transit (LRT) project by Japan was unilaterally cancelled by the Sri Lankan Government due to the intervention of a former senior official at the Presidential Secretariat. This official, it is learnt, had also played a role in getting the two LNG plants proposed by India and Japan cancelled. Furthermore, it was Prime Minister Rajapaksa who moved to unilaterally renege on the tripartite agreement reached between Sri Lanka, Japan, and India to develop the East Container Terminal (ECT) at the Colombo Port. It was learnt at the time that the Japanese and Indian diplomats in Colombo had learnt of the Government’s decision to cancel the project only through media reports. Apart from economic mismanagement through wrong economic policies, the last Government also dealt a severe blow to the country’s international relations. Actions questioned Meanwhile, former Presidential Secretary Dr. P.B. Jayasundera, former CBSL Governors Prof. W.D. Lakshman and Ajith Nivard Cabraal, and incumbent Governor Dr. Weerasinghe were summoned before the parliamentary Committee on Public Finance to answer queries on what had caused the current economic crises. Weerasinghe had taken a swipe at the former senior officials by stating that the economic blunders had been due to the wrong advice given by officials and noted the importance of officials refraining from engaging in politics. “Responsible Government officials should refrain from engaging in politics, and the difference between a politician and an official should be properly recognised. The duty and responsibility of an official is to inform the politicians when they are not correct. Politicians alone are not responsible for the consequences of such decisions,” Weerasinghe had told the Committee. Former Treasury Secretary S.R. Attygalle had noted that he had not engaged in politics and that it had been the pandemic situation, including the suspension of vehicle imports, other than the change in the Government’s tax policies, that had led to the country’s economic collapse. “It is unreasonable to claim that the country lost nearly Rs. 500 billion due to the change in tax policies of the Government since this was due to the loss caused by the import restrictions imposed, including the suspension of the import of vehicles, and the economic contraction caused by the Covid situation,” Attygalle had said. He had said the decisions regarding tax policies were taken keeping with the first Cabinet paper presented by former Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa on 4 December 2019. However, Committee Chairman Anura Priyadharshana Yapa had noted that a Cabinet paper should be accompanied by a background note and a report on the subject matter concerned and that the officials in charge of the subject should take responsibility for it.  The Committee had observed that decisions should have been taken after a proper study by the Central Bank and the Ministry of Finance. Yapa had also emphasised that the relationship between the CBSL officials and Parliament should be enhanced and a proper communication process should be established when making important decisions pertaining to the country. The former officials had been asked to be present for another meeting of the Committee on 17 June. Waiting for relief Meanwhile, the Government last Tuesday (7) presented to Parliament a supplementary estimate to spend Rs. 695 billion as a precursor to the interim budget that is to be presented in a few weeks. The supplementary estimate covered the continued payment of the monthly allowance of Rs. 5,000 to public sector workers, which will cost Rs. 67 billion, and also covered Rs. 40 billion needed to continue the payment of Rs. 5,000 to pensioners and a sum of Rs. 15 billion for the Rs. 1,000 to Samurdhi recipients. An additional Rs. 140 billion was sought to pay Samurdhi recipients affected by the difficult economic situation. On the debt of State-Owned Enterprises (SOEs), a sum of Rs. 50 billion for the Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB) for the settlement of outstanding payments to the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation (CPC) was assigned, along with Rs. 12 billion for green agriculture and Rs. 50 billion for the payments for fertiliser. Another key area covered in the estimate was the allocation of Rs. 25 billion to provide food to the security forces, prisons, and hospitals due to the increase of prices, while another Rs. 4.5 billion was for other recurrent expenditure and Rs. 21 billion for loan interests. Parliament last Wednesday (8) approved the estimate following a two-day debate in the House. Meanwhile, a delegation of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) is scheduled to visit Sri Lanka on 20 June, while IMF Spokesperson Gerry Rice announced last week that a staff-level mission from the IMF would visit Sri Lanka “to engage in policy discussions on a programme.”  Prime Minister Wickremesinghe also, during a telephone discussion with the IMF Managing Director last Tuesday (7), called on the Fund to urgently attend to Sri Lanka’s request, given the burgeoning crisis, by sending its staff level mission here soon. Several UN organisations last week launched an appeal seeking assistance for Sri Lanka. Delaying 21A The Government’s proposed 21st Amendment was taken up at the Cabinet meeting last Monday (6). However, a decision on the piece of legislation was delayed by yet another week and is expected to be taken up again tomorrow (13). President Rajapaksa had observed that the ministers and parliamentarians required more time to properly go through the proposed amendment and that they should be offered the time required for the purpose. Prime Minister Wickremesinghe had agreed, saying that the time would also help the Government wait till the Supreme Court announced its observation on the 21st Amendment of the SJB, which had been challenged before the Court. The Premier had pointed out that the Supreme Court’s observations on the SJB’s proposed amendment would also help the Government’s 21st Amendment, especially in deciding the clauses to be included or amended. Wickremesinghe is of the opinion that the Government can rope in the support of the SJB for the Government’s 21st Amendment by including some of the clauses from its proposed piece of legislation. The period of three weeks for the Supreme Court to announce its determination on the SJB’s 21st Amendment ends on Wednesday (15). The Court will therefore have to submit its views before that. However, the delay in moving forward with the 21st Amendment was questioned and criticised in Parliament last week by Tamil National Alliance (TNA) MP M.A. Sumanthiran PC. The MP claimed that the Prime Minister was unable to even implement the promised 21st Amendment as he had to dance to the SLPP’s tune. Prez meets PM on 21A President Rajapaksa met Prime Minister Wickremesinghe last week to discuss the Government’s proposed 21st Amendment. The Premier had been accompanied by Ministers Nimal Siripala de Silva and Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe. Ministers Dinesh Gunawardena and Prof. G.L. Peiris had accompanied the President at the meeting. The two sides had engaged in a lengthy discussion on the proposed 21st Amendment. The continuation of the meeting beyond the earlier anticipated time resulted in Wickremesinghe having to delay his meeting with former Speaker Karu Jayasuriya, which had been planned for that evening. President Rajapaksa had noted that the president’s power to remove the prime minister, appoint cabinet ministers, and allocate their subjects should be enacted after his term as president since he was elected to office with a public mandate. Prime Minister Wickremesinghe had explained that the matters had been discussed at the 3 May parliamentary party leaders’ meeting and a consensus had been reached on the matter. The Premier had said that both the clauses would be effective from the next Parliament. He had noted that the President could retain the power to remove the Prime Minister in the current Parliament if a majority in the House did not have faith in him, and that the President may, in consultation with the Prime Minister, appoint the cabinet ministers and allocate their subjects at the current time. Referring to the repeal of the clause enabling dual citizens to hold public office, President Rajapaksa had noted that there was a public perception that the clause was introduced targeting one individual and that it need not be included in the proposed 21st Amendment. The President had also noted that the clause could be done away with since it could be removed even through a simple majority in Parliament. The President and Prime Minister had also reached an agreement on empowering independent commissions. Basil discusses 21A After hearing about the meeting between the President and Prime Minister on the 21st Amendment, SLPP National Organiser Basil Rajapaksa and a group of his loyalists who launched a campaign to block the proposed piece of legislation met with Prime Minister Wickremesinghe last Sunday (5). The appointment had been requested by SLPP General Secretary Sagara Kariyawasam. With the President stating that there was no need for the inclusion of a dual citizenship clause in the new piece of legislation, Basil and Co. had decided to directly express their displeasure to the Prime Minister. Basil had been accompanied by a group of 14 ruling party MPs for this discussion held at the Prime Minister’s Office, while Justice Minister Rajapakshe had accompanied the Prime Minister. Former military officers Sarath Weerasekera, Pradeep Udugoda, and Sudharshana Denipitiya had also accompanied Basil, indicating the support of former military personnel towards him. The pro-Basil MPs had questioned the Prime Minister on the reason for pushing for the 21st Amendment at the current time and who wanted such a piece of legislation enacted. The group had reiterated the statement made by the SLPP that the Government should first focus on addressing the economic crisis and provide relief to the people before pushing for a constitutional amendment.  The group of MPs had also noted that even the President was not fully aware of the piece of legislation. In a surprising turn of events, the Prime Minister had responded saying that even he was not fully aware of the 21st Amendment. However, Wickremesinghe had afterwards informed the group of MPs that he had already held a discussion with the President on the proposed amendment. Basil and his supporters had objected to the 21st Amendment, especially the move to curtail powers vested with the Executive Presidency. Basil had also noted that constitutional amendments should not be introduced targeting an individual and that he was prepared to resign if everyone wanted him to leave. Basil and his group had informed the Prime Minister that they would consider supporting the legislation in Parliament if the issues and concerns raised by them were addressed in the 21st Amendment. The Premier had also explained to them the consensus reached at the party leaders’ meeting and that it would be further discussed at Monday’s Cabinet meeting. However, the meeting had concluded without reaching any decisions. Prime Minister Wickremesinghe had also noted that SLPP Chairman Minister Prof. G.L. Peiris had attended both the party leaders’ meetings and had presented several proposals at the last party leaders’ meeting. The Premier had noted that he believed those proposals to be that of the SLPP.  However, Basil had responded that the proposals presented by Peiris could not be considered as the official proposals of the SLPP, and requested time to submit the proposals of the ruling party. Wickremesinghe had agreed, saying that he would wait for the SLPP’s proposals by Basil and his group. Basil questions GL The clashes within the SLPP over the 21st Amendment also resulted in an exchange of words between Basil and Prof. G.L. Peiris. Upon learning that Periris had submitted proposals on the 21st Amendment to Prime Minister Wickremesinghe, Basil had questioned Peiris on what capacity in which he had handed over the proposals. Basil had noted that the proposals could not be considered as those from the SLPP since the party was unaware of the proposals. Peiris had explained to Basil that the proposals were given by President Rajapaksa and that he had been asked to submit them at the party leaders’ meeting. Basil had then questioned why the proposals had not included the dual citizenship clause. Angered by the continued interrogation, Peiris said that neither he nor a majority of the party were aware of an opinion in the SLPP to support a dual citizenship clause, and that if that was the stance of the party, it should be stated publicly. Govt. group indecisive President Rajapaksa last Monday, after the weekly Cabinet meeting, convened a meeting of the governing party parliamentary group at the President’s House. Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe had also participated at the meeting. At the outset of the meeting, the Premier had explained the state of the economy as well as what he intended to state in Parliament the following day, Tuesday (7), regarding the latest economic developments and the actions being taken to address the issues. Wickremesinghe had also noted that the government parliamentary group would have to ensure that there would not be disruptions to the speech since the Opposition members were likely to make various comments during the speech. Neither the President nor the Prime Minister had spoken of the Government’s 21st Amendment as the discussion had focused mainly on the economic crisis and actions being taken. Rajapakshe had informed the gathering that the piece of legislation was in the process of being finalised with input received from the parliamentary party leaders as well. Former Minister Weerasekera had noted that the Prime Minister had agreed to delay the proposed 21st Amendment during the discussion held between the Premier and a group of governing party MPs. However, former Minister Dullas Alahapperuma, who had already publicly expressed support for the 21st Amendment, had noted that the proposed piece of legislation must be presented to Parliament as it had been pledged to the people. Weerasekera had made a counter statement, noting that the ruling party had received a mandate not to amend the Constitution but to present a new constitution, which had been drafted by Romesh de Silva PC. Alahapperuma had noted that the Government had already amended the Constitution through the 20th Amendment and that the shortcomings in that amendment needed to be rectified. However, the ruling party parliamentary group had concluded without reaching a final decision on the proposed 21st Amendment. Dual citizens’ campaign While the debate on the proposed 21st Amendment continues, a group of dual citizens who are currently in Parliament have launched a campaign calling for the inclusion of the dual citizenship clause in the 20th Amendment in the new piece of legislation as well. Interestingly, while there have been many proposals with amendments to the 21st Amendment presented by many political parties, the inclusion of the clause enabling dual citizens to hold public office has not been among them. There are reportedly over 10 MPs in the current Parliament who stand to lose their parliamentary seats if and when the 21st Amendment is implemented, repealing the 20th Amendment including the clause enabling dual citizens to hold public office. Dual citizen MPs are represented in the Government as well as the Opposition side of Parliament. The dual citizen MP most affected by the 21st Amendment is Basil Rajapaksa. While MP Diana Gamage is also identified as a dual citizen, it is unclear whether she was a dual citizen at the time of entering Parliament in 2020 prior to the adoption of the 20th Amendment in 2021. MP Geetha Kumarasinghe lost her parliamentary seat in 2017 due to the issue of dual citizenship. She re-entered Parliament in 2020 after relinquishing her dual citizenship. Basil however is not prepared to relinquish his US citizenship and remains a dual citizen. His re-entry to Parliament took place last year after the 20th Amendment was enacted, enabling dual citizens to hold public office. Although there are no clear details on the number of dual citizens in the current Parliament, the only way to find out will be for the Immigration and Emigration Controller to seek a list of names of MPs, their dates of birth, and National Identity Card (NIC) numbers from the Secretary General of Parliament. When a group of ruling party MPs had recently questioned Justice Minister Rajapakshe about the repeal of the dual citizens’ clause, the Minister had noted that it was not an amendment proposed by him and that it was a proposal by a group of independent MPs in the House. SLFP split widens The split within the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) widened further last week, with an increase in the number of SLFP MPs as well as members in the Central Committee (CC) who decided to put country before party by expressing the SLFP’s fullest support to the Wickremesinghe Government by joining it and assisting the plan to resolve the ongoing crisis in the country. The party’s National Organiser Duminda Dissanayake expressed the need for all parties to unite to resolve the crisis and rebuild the country during his speech in Parliament last Tuesday (7). Dissanayake, after noting that the country had fallen into an abyss and could not fall any further, called on all party leaders to cast aside party politics for a few months to unite and solve the crisis faced by the country to save the nation and its people from its present abyss. He noted that if the party leaders were unable to understand the need of the country at present, the young MPs in Parliament should unite and join the Government to resolve the current crisis. “It seems the old political leaders are unable to comprehend the gravity of the situation and are still trying to do politics amidst the crisis.” “This is not about accepting ministerial portfolios, it is about building the country. We need to ensure there’s a country for us to even engage in politics in the future,” he said. “People are calling for a system change and this can only be done by going beyond conventional politics and taking a new path. All parties must unite for a few months and form an all-party government at least for six months or one year to resolve the current crisis,” Dissanayake added. It is in this backdrop that the SLFP Central Committee (CC) met last Tuesday evening to discuss and decide on making a clear political decision on the party’s stance during the unprecedented crisis faced by the country and its people. At the outset of the meeting, Party Leader Maithripala Sirisena, after noting the current political situation in the country, had reiterated that the party should not change its stance and remain without joining the Government. He had also noted that the party members who had violated the CC decision and joined the Government should be sacked from the party as well. However, a group of CC members had objected to the move to sacking the senior SLFP members who had joined the Government. It was evident that Sirisena had done his lobbying among his loyalists as several such CC members had immediately endorsed Sirisena’s statement, saying the SLFP should not join the Government. “The Government is fast becoming unpopular and will lose power soon. We need to use this opportunity to build ourselves,” a CC member loyal to Sirisena had noted. However, several senior SLFPers like Leslie Devendra and Kesara Gunasekera had noted that the party first had a responsibility to the country and its people. They had noted that no one should think of engaging in politics at the cost of the country. Devendra had explained that the country had to first be salvaged from the current abyss before engaging in politics. A question had also been posed by some SLFPers to Sirisena, asking for his alternative plan if and when the Wickremesinghe Government also lost power. They had asked whether Sirisena had an idea as to who should then take the lead in addressing the current crisis. Sirisena however did not present an alternative plan or propose a political leader who could take over the Government if and when Wickremesinghe was ousted. Seeing that Sirisena’s stance was mainly driven by his personal animosity towards Wickremesinghe, several members of the CC had reiterated the importance of making decisions devoid of personal feelings and emotions. Dissanayake had also informed the meeting of the letter sent by Sirisena to Prime Minister Wickremesinghe in response to the Premier’s letter requesting an appointment to discuss portfolios. Many CC members who were not privy to the information had expressed surprise. However, Sirisena loyalist Prof. Rohana Lakshman Piyadasa had then made a lengthy speech on the party’s history and the decisions that needed to be made at times, including the fact that the SLFP should not be part of a government that was on its way out. Piyadasa had made this comment while turning to the group of pro-Government SLFP MPs, who at this point had asked Piyadasa not to turn to people but to deliver his statements to the audience in front of him. Finally, the SLFP CC meeting had concluded at around 8 p.m., after a period of three hours, without a final decision being reached on the party’s stance on joining the Government or the sacking of MPs who had joined the Government. Nevertheless, it is clear that the SLFP is split on the two issues and that the split is continuing to widen, with the party leadership failing to unite all its members. Filling positions The SLFP continues to face issues on whether or not the party should join the Government. A group of party seniors are meanwhile pushing for the appointment of new members to senior party positions that have fallen vacant following the removal of several party members from their posts after they joined the Government in violation of party decisions. So far, there are four party members who have been removed from the posts they held in the party – Nimal Siripala de Silva, Mahinda Amaraweera, Shantha Bandara, and Suren Raghavan. Both de Silva and Amaraweera were Senior Vice Presidents of the SLFP while Bandara was the Propaganda Secretary and Raghavan the Vice Secretary. The group of seniors along with several party organisers have called on the party leadership to convene a meeting of the CC to fill these vacancies with new members. However, the move to appoint new members to the vacant party posts had been put on hold by the party seniors during last Tuesday’s CC meeting due to a Court order on one case and the split over sacking the MPs who have joined the Government. Meanwhile, de Silva resorted to litigation and last Tuesday was issued an enjoining order by the Colombo District Court preventing the SLFP from removing him from the posts held by him in the party. The order had been served to the Party Headquarters by Court that evening.