- Govt. permits entry to Chinese vessel; focus on restructuring Chinese debt for IMF deal
- India and the US asked to provide firm reasons for concerns over vessel and docking in SL
- Both India and US protest, but refrain from giving further details; US says reasons ‘classified’
- Yuan Wang 5 to dock in H’tota on Tuesday; Chinese-built Pakistani Navy vessel Taimur in Colombo
- Rory Mungovan of UN HR Chief’s Office expected to visit Sri Lanka in Sept. prior to sessions
- David William Mclachlan-Karr from UN Development Coordinating Office to arrive this week
- SJB split continues on joining all-party govt.; RW asked to give SJB lead in House committees
- TNA expresses support, but says will wait and see Wickremesinghe Govt.’s policy roadmap
- JVP has change of heart after agreeing to meet RW; Anura says won’t support RW-Rajapaksa Govt.
- MS undecided on joining all-party govt.; majority of SLFP MPs to decide separately on all-party govt.
- Basil takes control of SLPP; draws plan to attract members to the fold as SLPPers turn to RW
Last week was one of the most decisive for the Government of President Ranil Wickremesinghe as it continues to struggle to find its footing amidst the raging fires from many sides.
The obstacles in forming the proposed all-party government are a key issue faced by the Wickremesinghe Government, with all key political parties in Parliament shying away from his invitation to form an all-party mechanism. This happens to be the main solution Wickremesinghe was counting on to bring some form of political stability to the country.
However, not willing to give up, it is learnt that the President is now looking at forming an all-party governance structure that would enable members of Parliament representing any political party to join said structure.
The next issue to pose a serious conundrum for the Wickremesinghe Government was the controversial visit by the Chinese tracking vessel Yuan Wang 5 to Hambantota. After rescinding permission for the Chinese vessel to dock at Hambantota on Thursday (11), citing the need for further consultations, the Sri Lankan Government on Friday (12) granted permission for the vessel to dock at the Hambantota Port next Tuesday, following a series of meetings with India and the US.
The tripartite diplomatic row between India, China, and the US will definitely have an impact on Sri Lanka, with the fallout being felt by the nation and its people amidst the crisis.
However, the Wickremesinghe Government seems to have kept its focus on the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the pending agreement. The IMF has already informed Sri Lanka that its staff level agreement will require China’s consent to restructure Sri Lanka’s debt.
The Chinese last week also informed Sri Lanka that apart from assisting the country to secure an IMF agreement, China would also stop any form of future financial assistance to Sri Lanka.
The Chinese Embassy in Colombo also informed the Wickremesinghe Government that the Yuan Wang 5 had left China following permission from the Sri Lankan Government to dock at Hambantota and that it had not docked in any other port while now staying at the Sri Lankan maritime border.
Be that as it may, the Wickremesinghe Government will also have to face the displeasure of the Quad members since two of its members are already entangled in the Chinese vessel controversy – India and the US. The other two countries in the Quad – Japan and Australia – have so far remained silent on the Yuan Wang 5 saga.
To add to its woes, the Wickremesinghe Government is also faced with the task of facing the upcoming sessions of the UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC) when the resolution on Sri Lanka is to be taken up for a formal review. It is learnt that the Council will further extend the period of the resolution given the ongoing crisis situation in the country and the changes that took place within the past few months to the governance structure. Nevertheless, the Sri Lankan Government is likely to be rapped for the recent incidents that took place in the country, including the imposition of Emergency Regulations, and the crackdown on protesters, etc.
It is in such a backdrop that the Asia-Pacific Chief of the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Rory Mungovan is to visit Sri Lanka in early September, in what seems to be a fact-finding mission in the run-up to September’s UNHRC session.
The UN is to send another one of its key officials to Sri Lanka this week – United Nations Development Coordination Office (UNDCO) Regional Director for Asia and the Pacific David William Mclachlan-Karr – for a visit in Sri Lanka from Tuesday (16) to Saturday (20). During his visit, the UN official is expected to meet with the President, Prime Minister, Foreign Affairs Minister, and Treasury Secretary.
A letter sent to the Foreign Ministry by the UN Sri Lanka Office on 2 August has stated that Mclachlan-Karr would attend the signing of the agreement on the United Nations’ Sustainable Development Cooperation Framework (UNSDCF) 2023-2027 on Wednesday (17), which has already been agreed to by the Finance Ministry.
Meanwhile, a group of ambassadors representing the European Union (EU) countries in Sri Lanka met with President Wickremesinghe on Wednesday (10). The meeting seemed to be a precursor to Mungovan’s impending visit this week.
Following the meeting with the President, the EU mission in Sri Lanka tweeted: “Had a constructive meeting with President Ranil Wickremesinghe today. The EU is a partner in challenging times. For us, the protection of civil and #humanrights, above all #freedom of expression & right to #dissent, is of utmost importance. We agree that bringing Sri Lanka back on track requires joint and inclusive action now.”
During the discussion, the EU ambassadors have also underscored the importance for the Sri Lankan Government to not lose track of the ongoing processes that need to be addressed for Sri Lanka to recover from the ongoing crisis situation. The three areas that were highlighted were the EU’s GSP+ trade concessions, IMF assistance, and commitments undertaken before the UNHRC.
The ambassadors had urged Wickremesinghe to focus on the commitments undertaken by Sri Lanka in relation to all these three matters. “The EU hopes that concrete steps will be taken by the Government to make these processes a success,” the EU mission added.
Economic woes
Meanwhile, the Government on Tuesday (9) presented to Parliament the amended Appropriation Bill for interim expenditure until the 2023 Budget is presented in November.
The Bill presented to the House has shown that the expenditure has been increased to Rs. 3 billion compared to the Rs. 2.78 billion that was allocated during the 2022 Budget. The allocation for defence has seen a slight increase to Rs. 375 billion from Rs. 373 billion, while the allocation for health has also been increased to Rs. 348.5 billion from Rs. 153.5 billion. The allocation for education has been increased to Rs. 200 billion from Rs. 127.6 billion in Budget 2022.
A massive sum of Rs. 682,728,000,000 has been allocated for recurrent expenditure for public administration, while a sum of Rs. 212,808,260,000 has been allocated for the Ministry of Public Security. The Bill has further allocated a sum of Rs. 9.3 billion for the Ministry of Trade, Commerce, and Food Security, while a sum of Rs. 467,208,833,000 has been allocated for Ministry of Finance, Economic Stabilisation, and National Policies, and a sum of Rs. 138,560,485,000 has been allocated for the Ministry of Agriculture.
The increase in recurrent expenditure with focus on public sector expenditure has gathered much fire, given the economic crisis faced by the country at present. However, the amended bill will be debated for four days in Parliament during the end of this month.
Vessel controversy continues
The Sri Lankan Government’s decision to grant permission for the Yuan Wang 5 vessel to dock in Hambantota has become the beginning of a new drama.
This decision was taken after weeks of negotiations with both the Indian and Chinese Governments. According to highly-placed sources, several meetings were held by Sri Lankan officials last week regarding this matter with both the Chinese and Indian envoys.
The previous week, the Chinese Government was informed that the arrival of the Yuan Wang 5 vessel would have to be deferred, leading to an emergency meeting being held with the President and the Chinese Ambassador to Sri Lanka.
Despite concerns being raised by India over the visit of the Chinese vessel, our source stated that India had failed to provide any explanation for its concerns. The Government has since taken the decision that due to the absence of any concrete reason behind the concerns raised by the Indians regarding the ship, it would have to honour the original agreement.
The ongoing diplomatic tussle between Sri Lanka and China has had an adverse impact on Sri Lanka’s trade with China as well as social media promotions carried out in the country, with reports that a Chinese social media platform had suspended a promotional campaign that was organised by the Sri Lankan Embassy in China. The move was believed to have been an act of retaliation from the Chinese over the Sri Lankan Government’s recent decision to rescind permission granted to the Chinese vessel to dock in Sri Lanka.
According to reports, the Sri Lankan authorities had organised said campaign to be launched on Friday (12) on ‘Douyin,’ but that the Sri Lankan mission had been informed that the relevant social media platform would not be able to accommodate the planned campaign.
The controversy surrounding the Yuan Wang 5 Chinese research vessel was compounded with Sri Lanka’s decision to rescind the approval granted for the vessel to dock at Hambantota.
The Government was forced to decide on rescinding permission following strong protests by the Indian Government and the failure to reach a compromise with the Chinese Government. Attempts by President Wickremesinghe and Foreign Minister Ali Sabry PC to reach a middle ground on the controversy with India and China failed, with both parties refusing to budge from their stances.
Sabry’s attempt to reach an amicable settlement with China during a meeting with Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi in Cambodia recently was also not successful.
The Sri Lankan Government finally informed the Chinese to ‘defer’ the vessel’s visit, pending ‘more consultation’. The Chinese have officially lodged their protest over the Government’s decision.
Chinese Ambassador in Colombo Qi Zhenhong after meeting the President on 6 August once again met President Wickremesinghe on Monday (8).
It was clear that the Chinese were not willing to agree with the Sri Lankan Government’s decision without reason other than the fact that Indians were against the vessel’s visit to Sri Lanka.
Meanwhile, Sri Lanka’s Ambassador to China Dr. Palitha Kohona also intervened, with messages from Beijing. Dr. Kohona conveyed that the Chinese were questioning why Yuan Wang 5 could not be allowed to dock for replenishment.
The Sri Lankan Government, after lengthy discussions with India and China, looked at the possibility of first deferring the Yuan Wang 5’s visit to Sri Lanka from Thursday (11) till Friday (12) to Colombo instead of Hambantota for 24 hours for replenishment.
However, the final decision was to permit the vessel to dock on Tuesday (16) at Hambantota.
The US joins India
It is learnt that a powerful Western nation had also entered the ongoing Indo-China clash over the Chinese vessel by calling on the Sri Lankan Government to not permit the Yuan Wang 5 into Sri Lankan waters under any circumstance.
It is learnt that the US Embassy in Colombo had also expressed concerns over the Chinese vessel’s visit to Sri Lanka, but the envoy had refrained from divulging to the Sri Lankan Government the reason behind their protest to permitting the Yuan Wang 5 to dock in Sri Lanka. Instead, it is learnt that the envoy had observed that it was ‘classified’ and refrained from commenting further.
The President, Foreign Minister, and other senior Government members were quite irritated by this response, since the respective envoy – while calling on the Sri Lankan Government for action against the Chinese – had refrained from divulging the reason behind their protests.
It is in such a backdrop that the President met with the Indian envoy in Colombo.
The Government, it is learnt, had requested the Indians to explain, in writing, their concerns over the Chinese vessel in order to enable Sri Lanka to make an informed decision.
The Sri Lankan Government finally decided on Friday (12) to grant permission for the Chinese vessel to dock in Sri Lanka after India and the US failed to provide ‘concrete’ details on their concerns and why Sri Lanka should not permit the vessel into Sri Lankan waters.
On the same day, India also rejected China’s insinuation over a Chinese research vessel’s visit to Sri Lanka. The Indian Foreign Affairs Ministry Spokesman said: “India rejects insinuation by China over its vessel not being able to dock at Hambantota.”
The date of the arrival of the Yuan Wang 5 in Hambantota in fact bypasses India’s 75th anniversary of independence, traditionally a day when India broadcasts its growing military prowess to the world. The fact that the Chinese vessel will only be entering Sri Lankan waters after this date will be a small consolation for India.
Indo-China diplomatic row
The Chinese Foreign Ministry Spokesperson took a swipe at India on Monday (8).
Chinese Foreign Ministry Spokesman Wang Wenbin told a media briefing in Beijing that China had taken note of the reports and asserted that “the cooperation between China and Sri Lanka is independently chosen by the two countries and meets common interests; it does not target any third party”.
“Sri Lanka is a sovereign state. It can develop relations with other countries in the light of its own development interests,” he said. “China urges relevant parties to see China’s scientific explorations in a reasonable and sensible way and stop disturbing the normal exchange between China and Sri Lanka.”
He further stated: “China has always exercised the freedom of navigation in the high seas and fully respects the jurisdiction of coastal states for the scientific exploration activities within their waters.”
The rescinding of permission to the Chinese vessel also saw a split of Sri Lanka’s political stage. While a majority of the Tamil parties justified India’s concerns over the scheduled visit of the Chinese vessel, some parties in the nationalist bloc have criticised the Government for shutting the door on China.
A leader of the group of 10 (G-10) governing alliance party, Wimal Weerawansa, last week claimed that Sri Lanka had paved the way for a diplomatic row with a longstanding friendly nation of the country. He further alleged that the Government’s decision to rescind permission for the Chinese vessel to visit Sri Lanka was pushed by Basil and his cohorts.
Weerawansa, issuing a statement, pointed out that shutting the door on China to appease the needs of the Indo-Pacific axis was not part of a non-aligned foreign policy. “We need to follow a non-aligned foreign policy and not any other,” he claimed, adding that the latest actions of the Government were an indication that Sri Lanka was gripped by the Indo-Pacific agenda. “It is clear that the current administration has not been able to get out of the meddling of Basil Rajapaksa and his cohorts, who have worked to make Sri Lanka a victim of the Indo-Pacific agenda,” Weerawansa added.
Pakistan’s Taimur to Colombo
Amidst the Indo-China clash in Sri Lanka over the Yuan Wang 5’s visit to Colombo, Sri Lanka also granted permission for the Chinese-built, Pakistani-guided missile frigate, the PNS Taimur, to make a port call at Colombo – while on its way to join the Pakistan Navy in Karachi – from Friday (12) till Monday (15).
Built by the Hudong-Zhonghua shipyard in Shanghai, the second of the four Type 054A/P frigates built in China was commissioned on 23 June 2022. The warship is on its maiden voyage to Pakistan while exercising en-route with Cambodian and Malaysian navies.
However, the Indian media reported last week that India’s close ally Bangladesh had denied permission to the PNS Taimur. According to the Hindustan Times, China is also building eight Yuan class Type 041 diesel attack submarines for Pakistan by 2028 with the objective to militarily flank India in the high seas.
Basil’s plan
The Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) meanwhile is currently facing several internal challenges, with its party members turning more towards President Wickremesinghe. This was witnessed during Wickremesinghe’s recent visit to Kandy.
After engaging in religious observances, Wickremesinghe also took the opportunity to meet with United National Party (UNP) organisers and activists in the Kandy area. Interestingly, a group of SLPP organisers and members in Kandy had expressed their desire to meet with the President for a discussion on the current crisis in the country and the way forward.
This news had not been accepted well by the SLPP Founder, Basil Rajapaksa, who is currently engaged in drawing up plans to restructure the party. Basil’s loyalists had also noted that it would not be in the best interest of the SLPP to see its members wanting to meet President Wickremesinghe, who is also the Leader of the UNP. Basil, who is well aware of Wickremesinghe’s political antics, realised that immediate action was needed to send a message to the SLPP membership that the party was still in a position of power.
It is this plan that resulted in Prime Minister Gunawardena visiting the SLPP Headquarters in Battaramulla on 5 August. Gunawardena was welcomed to the Party Headquarters by SLPP General Secretary MP Sagara Kariyawasam and was ushered in by MP Namal Rajapaksa and a group of SLPP MPs. Basil was inside the Headquarters and welcomed Gunawardena. The Premier together with Basil and Namal engaged in a discussion with the SLPP MPs on the way out of the crisis.
These optics, Basil believed, would send a message to the SLPPers that despite Wickremesinghe holding the office of the President, the post of Prime Minister and the real power base was still held by the SLPP.
Following Gunawardena’s visit to the SLPP Headquarters, several SLPP heavyweights including Namal Rajapaksa were seen holding several meetings in their constituencies and engaging with the public after several months.
RW leads SLPP
The Cabinet last week decided to appoint two sub-committees to fast-track the decisions and actions taken by the Cabinet of Ministers.
Accordingly, the Cabinet Sub-Committee on Public Expenditure Management will be chaired by President Wickremesinghe, to submit policy recommendations to the Cabinet on the proposals related to public expenditure such as the initiation of new projects and procurement activities. The Cabinet Sub-Committee on Institutional Affairs will be chaired by Prime Minister Gunawardena to study matters related to institutional affairs such as appointments, promotions, transfers, and disciplinary actions in the public service and make policy recommendations to the Cabinet.
President Wickremesinghe meanwhile led the SLPP parliamentary group meeting on Monday (8) with Premier Gunawardena and former Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa in attendance. During the meeting, the President explained to the MPs the current situation in the country.
MP Sarath Weerasekera had questioned the controversy over China’s Yuan Wang 5 and noted that the Government should not have rescinded permission to the vessel based on India’s protest. “We remember what India did to us in 1987. They sent their forces and invaded our air space to drop dhal. We cannot allow India to dictate terms to us.”
Wickremesinghe had then reminded Weerasekera about the current economic crisis in the country and the need to maintain good relations with all countries without angering anyone.
It was at this point that MP Suren Raghavan had noted that China could send any of its vessels to the Hambantota Port since it was under the purview of the Chinese. Former Premier Rajapaksa had immediately noted that the port was not owned by the Chinese and could not accommodate Chinese vessels at any time.
MP Premitha Bandara Tennakoon had asked who had initially granted permission for the vessel to dock in Sri Lanka. Foreign Minister Ali Sabry PC had explained that permission had been granted by lower level officials at the Ministries of Foreign Affairs and Defence on 14 July. Tennakoon had further asked how such permission had been granted when the Government was in disarray during the said period.
Afterwards the MPs had asked about the planned protests for Tuesday (9) and President Wickremesinghe had responded saying there was no need to worry since the intelligence information received had stated that the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) and Frontline Socialist Party (FSP) would carry out several protests.
A majority of the SLPP MPs had then noted that while the actions taken by the Government to ease the LPG crisis and the long fuel queues were commendable, there was still much to be done and the governing parliamentary group was unaware of the Government’s policy in addressing the crisis.
The SLPP MPs at the meeting had also requested Wickremesinghe to hold a workshop on the Government’s economic policy and the way out of the economic crisis.
Wickremesinghe, after listening to the SLPP MPs’ reasoning, had agreed that the governing party parliamentary group would be kept abreast of the Government’s decisions and actions.
All-party govt.
The President has informed members of the Government that the proposed all-party government will be put in place before the end of August.
Wickremesinghe had also taken steps to ensure that the proposals presented by each political party during the several rounds of talks held regarding the formation of an all-party government were distributed to all the other political parties that attended these discussions until last week.
The document was distributed among all parties on Tuesday (9) while the President met MP C.V. Wigneswaran and the SLPP dissidents’ group led by MP Anura Priyadarshana Yapa. Wickremesinghe’s meetings with parliamentary party leaders excluding the JVP concluded with this round of meetings.
Meanwhile, the SJB continues to be split over the party’s role in the proposed all-party government. While the party leadership and a few of his loyalists continued to maintain that the SJB should not join the all-party government but support it through the parliamentary committee process, another group of party seniors including several young MPs continued to push for the party to join the all-party government.
The SJB parliamentary group that met last week had once again put to the vote whether the party should join the all-party government. A majority of the party members at the meeting at the time had voted saying the SJB should not join the all-party government but support it by taking lead roles in parliamentary committees.
The SJB had then requested Wickremesinghe to ensure that members of the main Opposition would be appointed as heads of the key parliamentary committees – Committee on Public Enterprises (COPE), Committee on Public Accounts (COPA), and Committee on Public Finance (COPF). It is learnt that Wickremesinghe had agreed and Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena last week confirmed this to Chief Opposition Whip Lakshman Kiriella when he (Kiriella) posed the question to the Speaker on whether the Opposition would be given the chairmanships of the key parliamentary committees.
It is learnt that MP Dr. Harsha de Silva is tipped to be appointed as the Chair of COPF.
The Tamil National Alliance (TNA) meanwhile maintained that the party would support the Wickremesinghe Government to implement the progressive measures to resolve the ongoing crisis and any further support would only be decided after the Government presented a clear roadmap of its policies and solutions.
With neither the SJB, the TNA, nor the JVP expressing willingness to join the proposed all-party government, Wickremesinghe is now looking at forming an all-party governance with the support of members of the parties in Opposition.
JVP’s change of heart
Amidst Wickremesinghe’s full-on efforts to set up an all-party government, he met JVP and National People’s Power (NPP) Leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake and several other MPs following a request by the JVP for a meeting.
A meeting with the President had been requested by the JVP the previous week and Wickremesinghe had granted an appointment for Tuesday (9) evening. The JVP on Monday (8) afternoon also announced at a press briefing that the party would meet with the President the following day.
However, by Monday evening, the JVP had a change of heart and informed the President’s Office that the party would not be able to attend Tuesday’s scheduled meeting due to unavoidable circumstances and asked to defer the meeting to another date.
When the President’s Office had inquired from the JVP the reason for the inability to attend the meeting, the JVP had said that it had to attend Parliament and several other prior commitments. It is learnt that the President’s Office had once again reached out to the JVP saying the meeting venue could be shifted to Parliament if it was convenient for the JVP MPs to meet the President in the Parliamentary Complex.
However, it is also learnt that the JVP had asked for time to respond and had approached a senior official at the President’s Office on a personal level and stated it was difficult for the JVP to participate in a meeting with the President when the party and its trade unions were to organise and attend a series of protests against the President and his Government on Tuesday (9). The official from the President’s Office had laughed and said that the message would be conveyed to Wickremesinghe.
When Wickremesinghe had been informed of the JVP’s predicament, he had said he understood the JVP’s plight and that another appointment would be granted to the JVPers.
Dissanayake meanwhile sent a letter to Wickremesinghe claiming that it was pointless being party to the Government which had been formed with Rajapaksas and that the JVP and NPP were ready to react positively if a programme was presented with a certain timeframe to resolve the burning issues faced by the people.
The letter also noted that an all-party or multi-party government formed by the present Parliament had no mandate or moral right to govern the country for a long period of time.
According to Dissanayake, an opportunity should be given for a new mandate through an election to form a new government capable of finding lasting solutions to the economic crisis.
He further noted that the NPP had presented a set of proposals, which included appointing an MP who has no future political agendas as the president and the prime minister to be appointed with the consent of all political parties in Parliament and then to appoint a small cabinet representing all political parties in Parliament and hold a General Election within six months to form a new government. However, Dissanayake pointed out that these proposals had been cast aside with the formation of a Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa Government.
However, on Wednesday (10) Wickremesinghe had sent a letter to the JVP expressing his disappointment in the party’s decision to not be part of the all-party government as well as to support it at a time when the country was facing an unprecedented crisis.
SLFP undecided
The Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) meanwhile, especially a majority of its parliamentary group, remained uncertain on the role the party would play in the proposed all-party government, with Party Leader Maithripala Sirisena giving mixed signals on the matter.
Sirisena has so far remained non-committal on the role the SLFP will play in the all-party mechanism and instead stated that the party would support an all-party government. When questioned on whether the party would join the Government, Sirisena has noted that there were five SLFP MPs already in the Government and refrained from making any further comments.
However, these statements have caused much confusion, as Sirisena has called for the suspension of the party membership of the five SLFP MPs – including party seniors Nimal Siripala de Silva and Mahinda Amaraweera – after they publicly joined the Government. Several senior party legislators last week held a discussion on the mixed signals being sent by Sirisena.
The SLFP leadership, while supporting the suspension of party memberships of the SLFPers in Government, has also refrained from inviting them for any of the meetings of the party’s decision-making bodies.
This was further evident by Sirisena’s decision to last week call for the SLFP’s Politburo to meet on Friday (12). While the members of the Politburo had been informed of the meeting, within a few hours, however, they had been informed that the scheduled meeting had been cancelled. It was evident to the SLFP MPs that the decision to cancel the meeting was compelled by the fact that Sirisena did not want to invite de Silva and Amaraweera, who are members of the Politburo, since their party membership was being suspended.
Meanwhile, a group of SLFP MPs met Sirisena on Friday afternoon seeking clarity on whether the party would be joining the all-party government. Sirisena was once again unclear on his opinion. It is learnt that while he had commended the programme presented by Wickremesinghe, he had questioned whether the SLFP should actually join the Government at this stage.
It was then clear to the MPs that Sirisena was not supportive of the SLFP joining the all-party government. The other message he sent to the party MPs was that anyone who joined the Government without the party’s explicit consent would be ousted from the SLFP.
The group of MPs after the meeting with their Party Leader had decided to think on the issue through the weekend to reach a final decision on whether they should abide by Sirisena’s logic or take a stand on their own will.
Wimal says no
National Freedom Front (NFF) Leader Weerawansa last week contradicted President Wickremesinghe’s statement that he had agreed to join the proposed all-party government. While Wickremesinghe claimed that Weerawansa had expressed his willingness to join the Government, Weerawansa said that he had not made any such comment.
Weerawansa had already sent a 12-point proposal to the President on the setting-up of an all-party government. However, Weerawansa has sent another letter to Wickremesinghe in response to the letter sent out by the President to all parliamentarians inviting them to participate in an all-party mechanism to resolve the ongoing crises in the country.
“Given the letter sent by you to all parliamentarians, it seems you have not fully comprehended the strategic approach presented by us to resolve the economic crisis. It is important for you to understand that an all-party mechanism referred by you would not gain the confidence of political parties or the public if it is formed with a collective of your old advisors,” Weerawansa has stated in the letter, adding: “However, there’s no obstacle for you to present a programme on your own, but there has been no such programme that has been presented by you since you assumed the office of the Prime Minister till your ascension as President.”
The NFF Leader has called for the urgent convening of an all-party conference to resolve the ongoing crisis. He has further noted that it would be better if the President could publicise his vision and strategic approach to resolve the ongoing crisis.
Weerawansa has also urged Wickremesinghe to learn from the mistakes made by his predecessor, Rajapaksa, who attempted to stubbornly resolve the crisis on his own and failed.
The MP has reiterated that a common minimum programme be formulated through an all-party conference to resolve the crisis and the road map for the programme be presented to the public. He has also noted that the all-party mechanism would also help to reach consensus and move forward with the proposed constitutional amendments.
Weerawansa has added that an all-party government would be needed solely to implement this programme and that public confidence could not be gained by merely changing the faces of members in the Government.