• Possibility for transition to democracy from autocratic authoritarianism
• Time for new system and new political culture
• People want checks and balances against abuses of power
• Political leaders should not be playing hide-and-seek
• ‘Aragalaya’ has to be mindful of those with radical agendas
• Serious trust deficit between people and political parties
• People’s protest movement should be permanent feature of SL politics
• This Parliament’s mandate no longer relevant; elections important

By Marianne David Sri Lanka is now entering a post-Rajapaksa era that can bring an end to the politics of authoritarianism promoted by the Rajapaksas, says political analyst and Professor Emeritus Jayadeva Uyangoda, pointing out that Sri Lanka now has a possibility of transitioning to democracy from autocratic authoritarianism. “One of the main barriers, or perhaps the most crucial barrier to democracy in Sri Lanka, Gotabaya Rajapaksa, has been removed,” he added. With the present system falling apart, it is time for a new system and a new constitution, he asserted in an interview with The Sunday Morning, adding that the new constitution should bring a new form of parliamentary democracy to Sri Lanka, in line with the new democratic desires of the people. “People want checks and balances against abuses of power. They want more accountability on the part of the rulers. People also want to have a system where those elected by the people can be recalled by the people. There has to be a new system and also a new political culture,” he emphasised. Prof. Uyangoda also warned that political leaders should not be playing hide-and-seek and contributing to the weakening of law and order, at a time when the people were extremely angry over the Government’s failure to prevent the economic collapse and social crisis. “I think both Gotabaya Rajapaksa and Ranil Wickremesinghe are probably deliberately provoking this violence because they probably think that this could be one effective way to control the protest movement – to legitimise use of the military and the Police to crush the citizens’ uprising,” he charged. Prof. Uyangoda further pointed out that the ‘Aragalaya’ had to be mindful of those wanting to advance a radical agenda, which could alienate moderate citizens. He added that the people’s movement should also continue the pressure on political leaders – without which he said Parliament would never be responsive to the people’s demands and desires. He also emphasised the importance of elections as the current Parliament no longer represented public opinion. Following are excerpts of the interview: How do you view the current developments in Sri Lanka? In one sentence, Sri Lanka is entering a post-Rajapaksa era that can bring an end to the politics of authoritarianism that the Rajapaksas promoted and we have a possibility now for a transition to democracy from autocratic authoritarianism.  A sitting president being ousted by street protests is unprecedented in Sri Lanka. How do you see this and what does it mean for the country? It can have a number of implications. One is that one of the main barriers, or perhaps the most crucial barrier to democracy in Sri Lanka, Gotabaya Rajapaksa, has been removed. Everyone has been pushing for a system change, but is that change likely, given that the system itself seems to be falling apart right now? The present system is falling apart and it needs to be replaced by a new system, by a new constitution. That constitution has to bring parliamentary democracy back to Sri Lanka, but it should not be a return to the old type of parliamentary democracy, because the democratic desires of the people have changed over the past several years. People want checks and balances against abuses of power. They want more accountability on the part of the rulers. People also want to have a system where those elected by the people can be recalled by the people. There has to be a much more open system where human rights and political rights are not easily violated by governments. People want rulers to be held accountable in relation to bribery and corruption. There has to be a new system and also a new political culture. That’s what the ‘Aragalaya’ people are also emphasising. That requires not only a new constitution, but also new ways of conducting politics and government. All of this will take some time, but violence is escalating now. How can some form of law and order be ensured? This is a complicated situation because the rulers themselves are contributing to the weakening of law and order. Gotabaya Rajapaksa and Ranil Wickremesinghe are playing various games of hide-and-seek. That is very dangerous. The people of this country are already extremely angry because of the Government’s failure to prevent the economic collapse and the social crisis. At a time when people are so angry, so desperate, the political leaders should not be playing hide-and-seek. I think both Rajapaksa and Wickremesinghe are probably deliberately provoking this violence because they probably think that this could be one effective way to control the protest movement – to legitimise use of the military and Police to crush the citizens’ uprising. The people’s power movement was viewed in a positive light by many until perhaps the last week, when criticism began to spread. Do you feel that Leftist movements are trying to use the ‘Aragalaya’ to realise their personal agendas? How can the positivity of the ‘Aragalaya’ be maintained? The Leftist movements are the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) and the Frontline Socialist Party (FSP). This has been a problem for the ‘Aragalaya,’ which has to be mindful, because they want to advance a radical agenda.  When there is a popular movement for democracy, introducing a radical agenda by Leftist parties always runs the risk of alienating moderate citizens. That’s what happened on 9 May and it can happen again.  Given the political structure in the country and the current status quo, how can the trust deficit between politicians and the public be addressed? There is a very serious trust deficit between the people and the political parties and that is a very serious challenge. What they have to do is reform themselves; unless the political parties reform themselves in response to the people’s demands for change, it will be very difficult for them to remain relevant and restore public confidence and legitimacy.  The mainstream political parties are also facing a very serious crisis at the moment because of this trust deficit. Is there political will to do something about it? I don’t think the traditional political parties have the will or the understanding. Do you feel that the public realises the dangers Sri Lanka is facing right now and the importance of finding solutions? The public understands the gravity of the crisis – the economic crisis, the political crisis, and the social crisis. They also know that the political path does not offer any solutions. That’s why they have decided to take politics into their own hands. But people can’t offer solutions; they can only work through their representatives. What is the way forward now? I think they have to continue to maintain pressure like this, otherwise Parliament will never be responsive to people’s demands and desires. My feeling is that even if some semblance of peace and stability is restored, the people’s protest movement should be a permanent feature of Sri Lankan politics. That is the only way to ensure that politicians as well as bureaucrats are accountable to the people. Democratic upheaval and individual ambitions aside, shouldn’t the end game be electoral? Are we in a position to hold elections and how important are elections at this point? I think elections are extremely important because the Parliament does not represent public opinion now. This Parliament was elected in 2019 to create a very authoritarian and autocratic system of government; people actually voted for this project, but they don’t want it any longer.  That mandate is no longer relevant, but many MPs are not willing to admit it – as it is only then that they can stay in power until the end of this Parliament’s term. That is why this Parliament needs to be dissolved and new elections held so that citizens will have a chance to elect a new bunch of representatives, representing their will and with a new mandate. Fresh elections are extremely important. Whoever wins will face huge challenges; how do you recommend they should navigate matters of governance? It depends on the new Parliament and the political leaders who will be elected by the people. It is a huge responsibility. If they don’t address the issues, the crisis will return. Sri Lanka’s challenge is not only political; there is a massive economic crisis and there is massive social discontent, so it’s very complex and extremely challenging. If the new Parliament is not able to manage the crisis, there will be continued political instability. Like what happened in Italy and Greece, there will be regular changes in government.  There were several Rajapaksas in key positions of power at the start of the year, with a stranglehold on just about everything. With the last Rajapaksa in power, President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, stepping down, now there are none. Is a return of the Rajapaksas anytime soon likely? Not anytime soon. They can return only if they repress the current citizens’ movement violently. Even then there is no guarantee that they can come back because it would be very bloody. The political situation will be dramatically changed in the event of repression similar to 1971 or 1987-’88. There will be a very different political situation in the country. I have a feeling that chances for the Rajapaksas to return will be very limited. What is your hope for Sri Lanka? Restoration of democracy and political stability.